Civil Rights: Obergefell v Hodges

It’s the most recent landmark case in our Civil Rights SCOTUS series, the decision that said the fundamental right to marry is protected under the 14th Amendment. How did it come about? What was the status of marriage before June of 2015? And why is the government so involved in the marriage business anyways?

This episode features the voices of Melissa Wasser from the Project on Government Oversight and Jim Obergefell, the named party in Obergefell v Hodges.

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Transcript

Obergefell all.mp3

Jacqui Fulton: I've been married twice the first time I was very young and closeted, in part because of all the homophobia and bigotry and stuff like that.

Nick Capodice: This is Jackie Foltyn, a producer here at Civics 101. And this is Fendall Fulton.

Fendall Fulton: I'm Fendall, I am Jacki's other half.

Nick Capodice: Jackie and Fendall got married at Odeorne Point in November of twenty eighteen.

Jacqui Fulton: I remember when I went with my ex now ex-husband and we're doing the paperwork and stuff and asked if we were cousins or if we were [00:00:30] blood related. I thought that was kind of funny, but it was like super easy to fill out, you know, no problem. And so whenever Fendall and I went to do the paperwork, it asks and asked who is Person A and who is person B? And I was like, well, how do we know? Like, I guess I guess it could be personal because they're older than I am. Yeah.

Fendall Fulton: So I took the A role, Jacqui took the B role. But that's not indicative of our actual actual [00:01:00] roles in life.

Nick Capodice: You're listening to Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

Jacqui Fulton: And I'm Jacqui Fulton.

Nick Capodice: And today we're learning about one of the most recent landmark Supreme Court decisions; so recent it is not yet required in many states civics curriculum, though I imagine it will be soon. The decision that made marriage marriage Obergefell v. Hodges 2015.

Jim Obergefell: A Supreme [00:01:30] Court ruling announced Minutes ago extends same sex marriage In America. The justices ruled Five to four that states...

Jacqui Fulton: Before we get started, I just want to know why. Nick, why is the government involved in marriage in the first place?

Nick Capodice: Well, Jacqui, as you know, marriage was not always about two people who loved each other before the late eighteen hundreds. The explicit goal of marriage was usually to acquire useful in laws, passed down property and gain political and economic power. [00:02:00] But there's a shift around the turn of the century with the rise of wage labor, where states begin to use marriage as a way to give out resources like health care or Social Security. And frankly, they do this because it's cheap to do it that way. Instead of giving everyone those resources, just give them to the breadwinner in a family via an employer and extend them to your spouse and children.

Jacqui Fulton: Ok, and so a same sex union flies in the face of the system and therefore LGBTQ [00:02:30] plus couples who live together did not get those resources.

Nick Capodice: They did not. Same sex unions have existed since the beginning of recorded times, as has homophobia. But in the United States, LGBTQ plus couples have lived together in relationships akin to marriage in every facet. Save the legal benefits. The only way a couple could get those benefits, and this happened predominantly in the 1970s to the 2000s, was for one partner to adopt the other.

Jacqui Fulton: How [00:03:00] far back do we have to go to understand marriage equality laws before June of 2015?

Nick Capodice: The first challenge to the legal definition of marriage being between two people of the opposite sex was in the 1970s,

Melissa Wasser: Baker vs. Nelson, which is a 1971 case out of the Minnesota state Supreme Court.

Nick Capodice: This is Melissa Wasser. She's policy counsel at POGO, the Project on Government Oversight. James McConnell and Richard Baker applied for a marriage license in Minneapolis, and the district [00:03:30] court clerk refused to grant it because they were both men and went up to the Minnesota Supreme Court.

Melissa Wasser: So even though that's a state Supreme Court, Baker in that case ended up appealing to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court had a one line order that said this appeal did not raise, quote, a substantial federal question. And so they couldn't take it.

Nick Capodice: It was dismissed. None of the lawsuits in the 1970s seeking recognition of marriages between gay and lesbian couples were successful. [00:04:00] And so the next big milestone is in 1991 in Hawaii,

Melissa Wasser: The Hawaii Supreme Court had a case that said that their state's prohibition on same sex marriage might be unconstitutional.

Nick Capodice: And the case, called Baehr v Lewin in the Supreme Court of Hawaii, sent their verdict back to a lower court, asking them to demonstrate that denying marriage licenses to same sex couples, quote, furthers compelling state interests.

Jacqui Fulton: Oh, so basically they're saying prove [00:04:30] that preventing marriage, same sex couples is good for Hawaii.

Nick Capodice: Right. And they formed a commission to do just that. Two commissions, actually, the first commission failed to give a report, but the second commission reported they'd studied the benefits of marriage and public policy and they recommended Hawaii open marriage to all.

Jacqui Fulton: Why did they fail to give a report? What was up with that?

Nick Capodice: Honestly, they just couldn't get their stuff together.

Jacqui Fulton: You had one job.

Jim Obergefell: In the mid 90s, [00:05:00] there was that case making its way through the courts in Hawaii and John stepmother at the time actually said, you know, if this happens, if they make marriage a possibility in Hawaii, I'm going to take the entire family there so you guys can get married.

Jacqui Fulton: Who is that?

Jim Obergefell: I'm Jim Obergefell, named plaintiff in Obergefell v Hodges, the landmark Supreme Court marriage equality case.

Jacqui Fulton: The Obergefell?

Nick Capodice: The very same. He and his partner, John Arthur, had been together some time when this all happened in Hawaii, [00:05:30] when it seemed like marriage equality would be possible.

Jim Obergefell: Well, that never happened. And John and I talked about it and we both agreed that for us, we didn't want to just have a symbolic ceremony. We had friends who, you know, had ceremonies in Ohio and elsewhere. But for us, it just wasn't what we wanted. We wanted to marry only if it actually carried legal weight.

Jacqui Fulton: Now might be a good time to explain civil unions.

Nick Capodice: All right. There were different rules in each state regulating same [00:06:00] sex unions. But while couples all over the country would perform civil unions for family and friends, these couples did not receive the state sanctioned benefits of marriage. And we're talking inheritance rights, huge tax benefits, insurance, Social Security. And Jim and John wanted those benefits.

Jacqui Fulton: Yeah, of course they did. Like everybody else,

Nick Capodice: This court case in Hawaii caused a backlash against marriage equality and it brought the topic into the national spotlight. [00:06:30] Battle lines were drawn. States hastily passed legislation mandating marriage is something between one man and one woman,

Melissa Wasser: Not just in Hawaii. It was also at the federal level, which ended up with the enactment of the Defense of Marriage Act, or DOMA, and that was by signed into law by President Bill Clinton in 1996.

John Kerry: Obviously, the results of this bill will not be to preserve anything but will serve to attack a group of people [00:07:00] out of various motives and rationales.

Robert Byrd: Humanity has discovered that the permanent relationship between men and women is a keystone to the stability, strength and help of human.

Nick Capodice: That was Democratic Senator John Kerry speaking against the Defense of Marriage Act and also Democratic Senator Robert Byrd speaking for it. It passed resoundingly in the House and the Senate with support from both parties. Only [00:07:30] 14 senators voted against it

Melissa Wasser: The Defense of Marriage Act, or DOMA, was a federal law that defined marriage for federal purposes as the union of one man and one woman. So that meant anything that federal benefits dealt with. So insurance benefits, Social Security, survivor benefits, filing a joint tax return if you were married for those purposes, it was between one man and one woman. And so that was Section three of DOMA. Section two [00:08:00] of DOMA was that states were allowed to refuse recognition of same sex marriages that were granted from other states and other jurisdictions or think like Canada or if other states had same sex marriage laws, it wouldn't transfer state to state like other benefits did.

Nick Capodice: In the decade after Hawaii's ruling, many states, including Hawaii itself, passed constitutional amendments and legislation banning marriage for all but opposite sex couples. And one of the most famous [00:08:30] was Prop eight in California.

The streets of Castro in market were full of people celebrating Barack Obama's win. Their party turned somber, though, when they realized that Proposition eight was headed for victory. Supporters of gay marriage tell us they thought they'd reached a mountaintop...

Nick Capodice: California legalized same sex marriage in May of 2008. And thousands of couples got married. But the backlash was swift. In California, they put a proposition, an initiative that the people vote on on the [00:09:00] ballot, that November, which banned marriage within same sex couples. And financial support for Prop eight poured in from out of state, primarily from religious institutions like the Roman Catholic Church and the Knights of Columbus. And the vast majority of donations, as well as volunteers, came from the Mormon community. And Prop eight passed.

Jacqui Fulton: Yeah, I remember that was heartbreaking. A lot of couples who had already gotten married, didn't they have to have their marriages annulled?

Nick Capodice: No, they [00:09:30] did not have to have their marriages annulled because as soon as the legislation passed, a trio of cases went to the California Supreme Court to argue that Prop eight was unconstitutional because it took away people's fundamental rights. And the court ruled that Prop eight was constitutional, but those 18000 marriages remained legally valid.

Jacqui Fulton: Interesting. Hmm. Were there any gains for those fighting for marriage equality in the wake of all this?

Nick Capodice: There [00:10:00] were a few. Notably in 2004, Massachusetts was the first state to license and recognize marriages between same sex couples. Other states followed, including New York. Which brings us to our next milestone, United States v. Windsor.

Edie Windsor: I wanted to tell you what marriage meant to me. It's kind of crazy how we lived together for 40 years. We were engaged with with the circle that I wear as a pin because I wouldn't wear a ring because I was still in the closet. I [00:10:30] am today an out lesbian. OK, who just sued the United States of America, which is kind of overwhelming for me...

Melissa Wasser: Edie Windsor and Thea Spyer were married in New York State in 2008. Thea died in 2009 and left her entire estate to Edie Windsor. When a spouse dies, their surviving spouse gets to claim a tax exemption. Where I believe you get an unlimited spousal deduction and [00:11:00] you pay no federal estate tax on what you're Spouse leaves you. She wanted to claim that exemption, but was barred by Section three of DOMA, which again dealt with because marriage is between one man and one woman at the federal level, you don't get any benefits. So she had to pay those three hundred and sixty three thousand and fifty three dollars. By the time the case ended, it was over six hundred thirty eight thousand dollars in estate [00:11:30] tax payments that the government had to pay back. But she sued the federal government because if you think about it, what is it? Had it been, Edie, a man you know, then she would have qualified for that unlimited spousal deduction.

Nick Capodice: Melissa was in the courtroom when US v. Windsor was argued and when the opinion was read and the court ruled five to four that the Defense of Marriage Act imposes a, quote, disadvantage, a separate status, and so a stigma to [00:12:00] LGBTQ married couples and thus violated the due process protections of the Fifth Amendment. And so DOMA is struck down

Speaker5: By seeking to displace this protection and treating those persons as living in marriage is less respected than others. Section three of DOMA is in violation of the Fifth Amendment.

Jacqui Fulton: An honest civil clarification here, you said due process in the Fifth Amendment. I thought due process was the Fourteenth Amendment.

Nick Capodice: I had the same question.

Melissa Wasser: And I know listeners are [00:12:30] going to hear there's two due process clauses. What does that mean? Which I totally I totally get the Fifth Amendment binds the federal government. The Fourteenth Amendment binds the states.

Jacqui Fulton: Ok, got it.

Nick Capodice: So what we then have are 50 states each with their own rules when it comes to marriage equality.

Jacqui Fulton: Ok, so how do we get to the national decision on marriage equality?

Nick Capodice: We get there from that favorite dance move of the Supreme Court, the circuit court split.

Melissa Wasser: And [00:13:00] so a circuit split is what happens when one circuit rules one way and another circuit rules the opposite way, and now you have, based on where you're living in the country, in the same United States of America, the law is two different things. So what happened with Obergefell and those associated cases where there were positive rulings towards marriage equality, saying that state level bans were unconstitutional in the 4th, the 7th, the 9th and the 10th Circuit. But if you lived in Ohio, [00:13:30] Kentucky, Michigan, Tennessee, the bans were constitutional. And so that leaves a circuit split. The only people who can rectify a circuit split are the justices of the United States Supreme Court.

Nick Capodice: So the court agrees to hear four cases, one from each state and the Sixth Circuit. And that is how we get to Jim Obergefell

Jim Obergefell: So the first time I met John, honestly, he scared the daylights out of me because I was still a high school teacher. [00:14:00] I was still closeted. And I went out with a friend of mine and we went to a bar near the University of Cincinnati where we had both graduated. So sitting at the bar was his friend, John.

Nick Capodice: It wasn't the first time they met that they got together, nor the second, but the third time they met each other, they decided to be a couple.

Jim Obergefell: And John and I joked that for us, it wasn't love at first sight. It was love at first sight. We became a couple. John tried to talk me out of it, said, Jim, I'm a mess. I've dated a lot of men. [00:14:30] It never ended well, but I wouldn't be dissuaded. I wouldn't be talked out of it. So we became a couple, you know, that Hawaii case, which did not turn out the way we wanted it to. So that was when all of those state level DOMAs started happening and also, you know, the federal level Defense and Defense of Marriage Act. So we just thought marriage is forever going to be something we were denied the ability to do. We just thought it was forever out of our reach.

Nick Capodice: And tragically, [00:15:00] in 2011, John was diagnosed with ALS. And Jim devoted his life to taking care of him.

Jim Obergefell: June 26, 2013 I was standing next to John's bed because at the time he was at home hospice care, and I was a full time caregiver. Well, other than like four hours a week when the hospice nurses visited. So when we heard that the Supreme Court struck down the Defense of Marriage Act, I did. I just leaned over, hugged him and kissed him and said, let's get married. And luckily [00:15:30] he said, yes, but, you know, here we were living in Ohio, which had its own state level version of the Defense of Marriage Act, which meant I could not just put him in his wheelchair and take them six blocks to the county courthouse for a marriage license. So we had to figure out where do we go, where do I take this dying man to do something millions of people simply take for granted?

Nick Capodice: Jim and John considered several cities in which they could get married, but they were all long drives away, severely uncomfortable for John and his wheelchair. [00:16:00] But a friend of theirs suggested Maryland because Maryland was the only state that allowed just one member of a couple to apply for the marriage license, which meant John only had to travel for the ceremony itself.

Jim Obergefell: We also knew who was going to officiate because years before John's aunt Paulette had told us that in her opinion, we represented marriage better than any other couple she knew, and she is well wanted us to be able to marry one day. So she was more optimistic than we were, [00:16:30] I guess, because at Paulette, her nickname is Aunt Tootie, went to the Internet where she clicked the ordained me button because she wanted to be able to officiate if we ever had the opportunity. So after I proposed to John, I called Aunt Tootie and said, Aunt Tootie, do you remember the promise you made, the offer you made to officiate, does that still stand? And of course, Aunt Tootie said, absolutely, Jim. You tell me when and where I will be there.

Nick Capodice: And because of John's condition, they booked a medical jet to get to Baltimore [00:17:00] Airport

Jim Obergefell: And we landed, parked on the tarmac. And got married. I got to take John's hand and we got to say I thee wed. I do. And it really was the happiest moment of our lives.

Nick Capodice: And shortly after their wedding, a lawyer friend of a friend of Jim and John's, Al Gerstein asked to meet with them.

Jim Obergefell: So on Tuesday, five days after we got married, Al came to our home. And during that conversation, he pulled [00:17:30] out that piece of paper that he had searched his files for. And it was a blank Ohio death certificate. And he said, now, my guess is you haven't really thought about this because why would you be thinking about John's death certificate when you just got married? But you guys, do you really get it? You understand that because of Ohio's Defense of Marriage Act, when John dies, his last official record as a person will be wrong. Ohio will say he's unmarried. And Jim, they're not going to list your name as his surviving spouse.

Nick Capodice: Jim went to court and he sued [00:18:00] eight days after their wedding.

Jacqui Fulton: Who was he suing?

Nick Capodice: Initially, he sued three parties, Governor John Kasich, Attorney General Mike DeWine and the city of Cincinnati itself, as these are the three parties involved with death certificates.

Jacqui Fulton: But they were married. Right. And the state of Ohio refused to recognize that marriage.

Nick Capodice: It did. And this was at the heart of their argument.

Jim Obergefell: Our legal argument was, in my opinion, so simple, so clear, so obvious, because [00:18:30] in Ohio, first cousins cannot get a marriage license. In Ohio, an underage couple cannot get a marriage license. However, if they're in another state, that that will issue marriage license to first cousins or underage couples. And they get married in that state as soon as they cross the border into Ohio. Ohio immediately says your marriage exists. You get all of the rights, all of the protections, all of the responsibilities of a married couple, even though your marriage is one that cannot be entered into in Ohio. [00:19:00] So our legal argument was Ohio. You're creating separate classes of people by recognizing some out-of-state marriages, but not others.

Nick Capodice: At the beginning of the hearing, the Cincinnati city solicitors stood up in the courtroom and said, we don't want anything to do with this. John and Jim's marriage should be recognized.

Jacqui Fulton: Wow.

Jim Obergefell: And at five o'clock that day, July 22nd, we won.

Jacqui Fulton: They won?

Nick Capodice: They did.

Jacqui Fulton: But if they [00:19:30] won in Ohio, how did their case get up to the Supreme Court?

Nick Capodice: Well, when John died and it came time to fill out that death certificate, the state had an opportunity to appeal, which it did. And so we get to the Supreme Court, four cases combined into one each with unique circumstances. And since Jim in John's case, had the lowest docket number, the Supreme Court case is to heretofore referred to as Oberg, F.L. v. Hodges.

Jacqui Fulton: Who is Hodges?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, this is interesting. Jim [00:20:00] told me that neither Governor Kasich or Attorney Devine wanted their name attached to the case. So the only respondent was the director of the Ohio Department of Health, Rick Hodges. And as a quick side story, sometime after the decision, a friend of Jim's asked if he wanted to meet Rick Hodges. And Jim was like,

Jim Obergefell: I don't know, Elena, do I? Because, you know, in my mind, even though I'd always thought he's he's just a name. He's just a fall guy, I had no idea. I had no no knowledge of this man, no clue [00:20:30] what he really thought. So we met and we are now close friends.

Nick Capodice: Rick Hodges wasn't even remotely involved with the case and supported rights for LGBTQ plus couples

Jacqui Fulton: Getting back to the case. What were the arguments in court?

Nick Capodice: Here's Melissa again

Melissa Wasser: When the cases were consolidated, the court determined what the legal questions were going to be. They had two. The first question was, does the Fourteenth Amendment require a state to license a marriage [00:21:00] between two people of the same sex? The second question, and only the Obergefell case, the other three cases dealt with the licensure of marriage. The Obergefell case was a little different because it was asking the state to recognize a marriage that was not performed in that state. So the second legal question is, does the Fourteenth Amendment require a state to recognize a marriage between two people of the same sex when their marriage was lawfully licensed [00:21:30] and performed out of state?

Jacqui Fulton: It seems that whenever we're exploring civil rights cases in the Supreme Court, the Fourteenth Amendment, dealing with equal protection and due process for states gets brought up.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, and this time there's another constitutional issue. And this is exclusively related to Jim and John's case. It's Article four of the Constitution that something called the full faith and credit clause

Advocate: Of the 14th Amendment does not require states with traditional marriage laws to recognize marriages from other states between two [00:22:00] persons of the same sex.

Justice Scalia: What about Article four? I'm so glad to be able to quote a portion of the Constitution that actually seems to be relevant. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other state. Now, why doesn't that apply?

Nick Capodice: I asked Jim, who was in court during the arguments, what he remembered, and he said that two arguments stood out.

Jim Obergefell: One of the justices brought [00:22:30] up the fact that in ancient Greece, based on what we know about Greek civilization, same sex relations were OK. But there's no evidence that that same sex marriage was allowed. Well, why not? Why not? Why do you think that is? And Mary Bonauto, who did the arguments for the right to marry, she said, Your Honor, I I'm in no place to even guess what ancient Greek philosophers thought or believed. It was just such a ridiculous argument. Who cares what [00:23:00] happened in ancient Greece? But then the other one, which I love again, I forget which justice this was brought up, that tired argument that, you know, those of us who were proponents of marriage equality, we were changing the definition of marriage because marriage had meant the same thing for millennia. And Ruth Bader Ginsburg jumped right in and said, no, I'm sorry. We already have changed the definition of marriage because women are no longer the property [00:23:30] of their husbands.

Nick Capodice: Also, Jim remembers this happening.

Jim Obergefell: There was somebody in the public seats who started screaming that we were all going to hell or things like that at the start, and you could hear him as they're dragging him down the hallway, even though the courtroom doors were closed, he had quite the volume,

Advocate: Just as if the court is ready. We're ready. OK.

Justice Scalia: That was rather refreshing, [00:24:00] actually.

Jacqui Fulton: Ok, so that's the anti-marriage equality folks, what are the arguments for it?

Nick Capodice: I think the argument was best summarized in the opening line of the argument from Jim and John's advocate, Mary Bonauto.

Mary Bonuato: Mr. Chief Justice, may it please the court, the intimate and committed relationships of same sex couples, just like those of heterosexual couples, provide [00:24:30] mutual support and are the foundation of family life in our society.

Nick Capodice: The arguments in court, where at the end of April 2015 and as the court reads decisions on Mondays in May and June, Jim started going to D.C. every single week.

Jim Obergefell: I knew I had to be in the courtroom to hear the decision. It I couldn't imagine not being there to hear what the highest court in the land said. You know, I also have to be honest, Nick, from the very start, like we're we're winning this. We're on the right side.

Nick Capodice: And as is often the case, [00:25:00] the Supreme Court has a lot of decisions to read. So they were adding additional days.

Jim Obergefell: But then we were outside the courtroom on the 22nd when someone came running out to say, well, they just added Thursday, June 25th, as a decision day. A few minutes later, someone else came running out and said, well, they just added Friday, June 26th as decision day. And I was there. I was there other attorneys on the case, plaintiffs. And we all looked at each other and said, it's going to be Friday, June twenty sixth. And [00:25:30] the reason we thought that was that's an important date for LGBTQ rights at the Supreme Court. United States versus Windsor, which struck down DOMA, came out on June 26, 2013. Lawrence versus Texas, which struck down anti sodomy laws, came out on June 26.

Nick Capodice: The decision was five four in favor of Obergefell. Justice Anthony Kennedy delivered the opinion. The decision states that both the due process clause and the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment [00:26:00] guarantee the right of same sex couples to marry

Justice Kennedy: In forming the marital union. Two people become something greater than they once were and would misunderstand petitioners to say that they disrespect. Or diminish the idea of marriage in these cases, they're pleased that they do respect it, they respect it so deeply, they seek to find its fulfillment for themselves. They ask for equal dignity in the eyes of the law. And the Constitution grants them that right. For these reasons and others set out, in my opinion...

Jim Obergefell: And I burst [00:26:30] into tears. You could hear people around the courtroom sobbing. Al told me later because he was in the courtroom as well. He told me later that he has never seen so many attorneys crying in a courtroom. And, you know, of course, not surprising. My first thought was, John, I wish you were here. I wish you could experience this. I wish you knew that our marriage can never be erased. I wish you could know that. I will always have the [00:27:00] legal right to call you, to call myself your widower, to call You my husband and I miss him desperately. Then I also had this amazing realization that for the first time in my life as an out gay man, I felt more like an equal American than I ever had before.

Nick Capodice: And there were four separate dissents, one for each dissenting justice, and [00:27:30] in something rather rare, each Supreme Court justice usually does this like once a year, for the first time in his tenure on the court, Chief Justice Roberts read his dissent from the bench. Jim walked out of the courtroom. It was bedlam, celebration everywhere. He was being interviewed by CNN.

Jim Obergefell: And I finished that interview and I turned around. I'm looking at the courthouse and someone hands me my phone. He says, Jim, you have a phone call?

Melissa Wasser: [00:28:00]

Nick Capodice:

Jim Obergefell: And here I am in the midst of this joyful crowd having a conversation on speaker with President Obama.

Jacqui Fulton: Yeah, I remember seeing on the news tons of people getting married immediately. My friends were so excited. Some of them were crying and a lot of them made wedding plans that day. [00:28:30]

Nick Capodice: Yeah. And I just got some data on this. In 2019, the Census Bureau released an estimation that there are right now nearly one million Americans in same sex marriages. And that's one of the reasons, Jim says that regardless of the structure and ideology of the Supreme Court, this decision will last forever. It's hard for the Supreme Court to take rights away from people that it has previously granted. But he also says that the work's not done.

Jim Obergefell: I like to say, yes, [00:29:00] we have the right to get married in all 50 states, but we don't enjoy marriage equality. We're far from enjoying marriage equality. I mean, we still have businesses, photographers, bakers, event venues who don't don't want to even throw their business open to the public. If you happen to be a same sex couple, they they want the right to say that their religious beliefs are more important than someone else's civil and human rights. And there are still court officials [00:29:30] and judges who have stopped doing all marriages because they don't want to officiate marriages. For two people of the same sex.

Jacqui Fulton: Nick, it's a tremendous victory. But I just want to point out that this story doesn't have a happy ending. Just like how DOMA passed after the Hawaii case. There was a national backlash in the wake of the Obama decision, and this is specifically aimed at transgender legislation.

Nick Capodice: Jim told me about the recent Supreme Court case, Bostock v. Clayton [00:30:00] County, which ruled that an employer who fired someone for being gay or transgender violates the Civil Rights Act of 1964. But that decision was six to three, and it doesn't apply to everyone.

Jim Obergefell: But that doesn't apply to every job. That doesn't apply to everyone. So we still aren't equal in our job. So if you if you're married, you have a family and you lose your job because someone doesn't like you solely because you're LGBTQ plus. Well, that certainly isn't marriage equality in 2021.

Nick Capodice: There have been so far over [00:30:30] 100 bills introduced to restrict trans rights.

Jacqui Fulton: Yeah, I've actually been fired for being queer and it was devastating. There's nothing I could do about it. And this is something we see in every civil rights case. You can change legislation, but you can't change people's attitudes.

Nick Capodice: And, uh, that's it, I guess, not [00:31:00] just for this case, but for our civil rights and the Supreme Court. We hope you enjoyed it and we hope you follow us on Apple podcasts or Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts to keep finding out about how our government works. And make sure to visit our Web site, Civics101podcast.org, where you can get transcripts, teacher created lesson plans, activities and so much more. We've thanked her before during the series, but I'm going to do it again. These Supreme Court episodes would not have been possible without the tireless help [00:31:30] of Rebecca Fanning from the U.S. courts. She got such a tremendous number of judges to talk to us about these cases. It made our jobs so much easier. And you can check out any of their great judicial resources at U.S. courts dot gov. This episode was produced by me Nick Capodice with help from Jacqui Fulton, Hannah McCarthy, Mitch Scacci, and Christina Phillips. Erika Janik is our executive producer. Special thanks to person A, Fendall Fulton. Music in this episode from Blue Dot S [00:32:00]essions Cycle Hiccups, Randy Butternubs, Scott Gratton, Ikimashu Oi, and the wonderous Chris Zabriskie.

Jacqui Fulton: Also, I'd like to extend a special thanks to Jim Obergefell for.

Fendall Fulton: His and John's tireless efforts and all the others that put everything on the line to make it possible.

Jacqui Fulton: So we can be married.

Nick Capodice: All right.


 
 

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Civil Rights: Loving v Virginia

Mildred and Richard Loving were jailed and banished for marrying in 1958. Nearly a decade later, their Supreme Court case changed the meaning of marriage equality in the United States — decriminalizing their own marriage while they were at it. This is the story of Loving.

Our guests are Magistrate Judge Zia Faruqui of the U.S. District Court for Washington, D.C. and Farrah Parkes and Brad Linder of The Loving Project.

Click here for a Graphic Organizer for students to fill out while listening to the episode

 

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Transcript

Loving v Virginia_DRAFT3.mp3

Adia Samba-Quee: [00:00:00] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation For Public Broadcasting.

Mildred Loving: [00:00:05] And if if we do win we will be helping a lot of people, and I knew we have -- I knew we have some enemies, but we have some friends, too.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:16] Richard and Mildred Loving were newlyweds.

Mildred Loving: [00:00:19] I said I think that marrying who you want to is a right that no man should have anything to do with.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:24] They had known each other since they were kids. They grew up neighbors in Caroline County, Virginia.

Mildred Loving: [00:00:30] My Husband's father, he gave us a acre of land, right across the road. And that's where we're meant to build. And I'll be close to my mother and he'll be close to his family.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:40] They dated off and on for years before deciding to finally get married. In July of 1958 they'd been married for about five weeks. Mildred was pregnant with their first child together. At two a.m. on July 11th. The Lovings were asleep in their bed in their small home when they heard someone at the door and suddenly the front door was broken down. Police officers burst into their bedroom. They shined their flashlights into the Lovings' eyes

Richard Loving: [00:01:14] And they came one night and they knocked a couple of times. I remember before I could get up, you know, they just broke the door and come on in. And when we got up, they're standing beside the bed. With flashlights.

Mildred Loving: [00:01:28] They asked Richard, who was a woman he was sleeping with. I said I'm his wife and the sheriff said not here you're not.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:38] What what did the sheriff mean by not here you're not?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:42] Good question.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:43] This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:46] I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:47] And the answer to that is the story of Loving versus Virginia, the landmark Supreme Court case that determined whether a state could criminalize the act of marriage between a person of color and a white person, which is exactly the kind of couple Mildred and Richard Loving were.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:02:05] You have Richard Loving and Mildred Loving, and they can't get married in Virginia.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:10] This is Magistrate Judge Zia Faruqui of the District Court of Washington, D.C.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:02:15] They secretly go right to the Las Vegas, apparently of the East Coast, Washington, D.C., and get married. I can only imagine by an Elvis impersonator. And so they get married in the quiet of night and then returned to Virginia.

Mildred Loving: [00:02:29] You know, we went to Washington to be married. And I guess that's why, you know, we went there. People had been mixing all the time. So I didn't know any different. I didn't know there was a law against it, you know, and white and colored went to school different and things like that. They couldn't go in the same restaurant. And I knew that. But I didn't realize how bad it was until we got married.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:00] By the way, that is the voice of Mildred loving herself from an interview in the late sixties.

Nick Capodice: [00:03:05] And when Mildred says she didn't know how bad it was, she means until officers burst into her home and told her she was not legally Richard's wife.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:13] Not only you're not his wife, he's not your husband, but you're arrested for committing a crime. Richard and Mildred were living in violation of the Virginia State Racial Integrity Act of 1924.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:03:26] The Virginia statute has said that, you know, the punishment, you know, miscegenation is the term for it, which no one obviously ever says now or probably even then because it's such a mouthful, but that the statute says punishment for marriage. If any white person intermarriages with a colored person or any colored person, intermarriage with a white person, he shall be guilty of a felony and shall be punished by confinement in the penitentiary for not less than one year and not more than five years.

Nick Capodice: [00:03:52] Hannah can I clarify something. It sounds like this law pertains specifically to people of color marrying white people, not to people of color marrying other people of color. Right. So in calling this the Racial Integrity Act, what it actually is, is a white purity act.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:10] Yes. The whole idea was to protect and preserve whiteness.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:04:14] You can be black and Hispanic person, and that would be totally OK. But you cannot be white and marry someone who is black or Hispanic and vice versa. And it has a criminal penalty. Right. So, you know, I think most people, when they hear this exist, they would think like, oh, they probably just invalidate your marriage license. Right. But this isn't that right? This isn't even a fine. This is we are going to put you in prison, imprison you for marrying someone if you are one of the two partners is white. And that's pretty severe.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:45] The act prevented intermarriage from happening in the state because it required that birth certificates, either to find someone is white or is quote unquote colored your only white. If for as far back as you could look in your family's history, your ancestry was white. The one exception, which is called the Pocahontas clause, allowed for one sixteenth or less of American Indian ancestry, everyone else was quote unquote colored. If an interracial couple that included a white person wanted a marriage license, that was not going to happen in Virginia. And even if you got married elsewhere, once back home, you better lay low. Still, Richard and Mildred knew of interracial couples in their own community who were left alone. Somebody had decided to make an example of them.

Richard Loving: [00:05:40] It's a lot of them down here but we're the only ones who have been bothered by it. It's a lot of the same down here.

Interviewer: [00:05:44] Is that right?

Richard Loving: [00:05:45] Yeah. Let's see, just it just some people that didn't like it they just talk, see, and started the dog rolling.

Interviewer: [00:05:53] Do you know any other couples who are in the same situation?

Richard Loving: [00:05:56] Yeah, I know some but I wouldn't like call them names.

Interviewer: [00:06:00] I just wondered if you did.

Richard Loving: [00:06:02] Yeah, I know a few.

Interviewer: [00:06:04] I wonder why they picked on you then?

Richard Loving: [00:06:08] I don't know, I'll never find out. Somebody talked.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:06:13] This was like a sting where they go and they were trying to catch them, you know, having adult relations in the middle in the law, I think to say inflagrante delicto. Right. And so they come in there, they have this sting, the raid, they go in there and in fact, they were just asleep and they wake them up and say, you know, you're under arrest.

Nick Capodice: [00:06:32] So what happened? Did the police really drag them out of their home in the middle of the night?

Mildred Loving: [00:06:36] And anyway they carried us to Bowling Green, locked us up and in January they had the trial and told us to leave the state for 25 years,

Nick Capodice: [00:06:47] So they're told to leave the state.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:48] The judge who sentenced them, Leon Bazile, commuted their one year prison sentence on the condition that they leave Virginia for 25 years.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:06:58] In effect, what happened is that they were banished to Washington, D.C., and that they just had to, you know, try to get their family to come visit them or not. So it's pretty disturbing.

Nick Capodice: [00:07:08] What did the Lovings do? Is this the moment when they decided to fight the ruling?

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:07:12] They plead guilty because they're just like, again, this is just such a ludicrous, you know, proposition like, is this really worth fighting for? Because it just seems so silly. And so they're like, fine, we'll just leave Virginia and move to D.C., which is a D.C. resident who is in a mixed race marriage. I was very appreciative to see, you know, my forbearers from Washington, D.C. were already ahead of the curve.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:35] The Lovings leave behind their family and friends and move to Washington, D.C., the place where they were married. But it's expensive and it's a far cry from the expansive countryside where they had lived their whole lives.

Mildred Loving: [00:07:48] The children didn't have anywhere to play. They would like being caged. And I couldn't stand it. I couldn't take it.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:57] They couldn't visit their family in Virginia if they went together. In fact, they were arrested a second time during a visit home.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:08:05] What how do they handle this and becomes expensive and sort of living in D.C. So ultimately they decide, you know, we need help and they write to Attorney General Robert Kennedy and that he apparently responded and said, yeah, you should go to the ACLU. And you know that they maybe have some attorneys that can help you litigate this. And, you know, I was a prosecutor myself for a while. I don't think I ever got myself a little in the attorney general letters of request for assistance and they referred him out. But that's, you know, amazing that and to credit to Attorney General Robert Kennedy.

Bernard Cohen: [00:08:36] Who's the date. So we can be sure that was June 20th, 1963, and they were living in Washington, D.C. at the time.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:42] This is Bernard Cohen, one of the ACLU lawyers who ended up taking Mildred in Richard's case. This is from footage taken the same year that the case went to court. He's reading Mildred's letter to Bobby Kennedy.

Bernard Cohen: [00:08:53] Dear sir, I am writing to you concerning a problem we have. Five years ago, my husband and I were married here in the district. We then returned to Virginia to live. My husband is white, I am part Negro and part Indian. At the time, we did not know there was a law in Virginia against mixed marriages. Therefore we were jailed and tried in a little town of Bowling Green. We were to leave the state to make our home. We have three children and cannot afford an attorney. We wrote to the attorney general. He suggested that we get in touch with you for advice. Please help us if you can hope to hear from your real soon. Yours truly, Mr. and Mrs. Richard Loving. And it was that simple letter that got us into this not so simple case.

Nick Capodice: [00:09:38] I would imagine that every Supreme Court case is not so simple. So is the Loving's case somehow more so?

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:09:45] It's a kind of a hard position to go back and vacate something that someone does that was knowing intelligent and voluntary. Right. Like they chose to plead guilty. And so withdrawing your guilty plea are trying to essentially vacated. That is procedurally pretty difficult.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:01] It's a lot of effort on the part of the ACLU lawyers, but they eventually figure out a way to get the Lovings case moving through the courts. They ask the original judge, Judge Bazile, to vacate, basically undo the conviction that ordered the Lovings to leave the state for 25 years. But Bazile doesn't do that.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:10:20] Pretty you know, disturbingly, he issues his opinion and he says the judge Bazile says that, quote, Almighty God created the races, white, black, yellow, Malay and red. And he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with this arrangement, there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to end quote. And so obviously, this judge was not sympathetic to the Loving's claims. And so they then appeal their case. And it goes to the Virginia Supreme Court.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:55] The Lovings lawyers Philip Hirschkop and Bernard Cohen brainstorm a game plan. Are they going for irreparable injury, for denial of basic rights?

Bernard Cohen: [00:11:06] What are the things that can only be done together by man and wife that they can do in Virginia? They can't come visit her parents together.

Law team: [00:11:14] or their friends.

Phillip Hirschkop: [00:11:16] Children, can't live with them and go to school.

Law team: [00:11:18] Breaking up the family ought to be irreparable injury, if anything.

Phillip Hirschkop: [00:11:21] This is strictly a segregation problem. And the Supreme Supreme Court has said time and again the federal courts have the right to protect federal rights, but it's a federal right to talk about that.

Bernard Cohen: [00:11:33] Let's go back to the office and get thing on paper.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:35] Ultimately, the Lovings lawyers argue that because Plessy versus Ferguson and separate but equal has been overturned in Brown vs. Board of Education, because due process of law and equal protection under the 14th Amendment in race cases has been upheld. The Virginia statute banning interracial marriage between white people and people of color is unconstitutional.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:11:56] So you would think in this instance you're going to get a good decision from the Virginia Supreme Court, but certainly that is not what happened. The Virginia Supreme Court says the ban is still appropriate.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:06] Basically, the court says that regardless of Plessy vs. Ferguson being overturned, the state can still use its powers to protect its citizens. Now, just because it can't use those powers to enforce school segregation, that doesn't mean it can't use them against interracial marriage because interracial marriage is considered bad for certain states citizens.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:12:29] There was the underpinnings of the question in terms of banning interracial marriage came from a, quote, legislative determination that there was a great deal of evidence. Now, on the podcast, people can't see, but I'm super passive aggressively putting evidence and air quotes, but quote unquote, evidence to support that intermarriage between people of color and white people is, quote, incompatible with the general welfare and therefore a proper subject for regulation under police power. And so this is the way they came to and said, yeah, Plessy said you couldn't use police power to separate students in a school. But that doesn't mean that you can't use police power to still do things to protect the community, to make sure that on racial lines it just means you can't do it for school.

Nick Capodice: [00:13:15] And presumably now that it's been denied in a state supreme court, this case can finally be appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States.

SCOTUS archival: [00:13:22] Number 395, Richard Perry Loving et al versus Virginia.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:34] The Supreme Court takes the case.

Phillip Hirschkop: [00:13:36] Mr. Chief Justice, associate justice may please the court. We will divide the argument accordingly. I will handle the equal protection argument as we view it. Mr. Cohen argued the due process argument. You have before you today we consider the most odious of the segregation laws and the slavery laws and our view of this law. We hope to clearly show that that is slavery law.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:03] Cohen and Hirschkop argue that the Virginia Racial Integrity Act violates the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment, which is made a little simpler by the fact that that is exactly what Chief Justice Earl Warren asked them to do.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:14:19] We like to call this in the law a quote, a leading question a little bit. And so here's what question is. Whether a statutory scheme adopted by the state of Virginia to prevent marriages between persons solely on the basis of racial classification violates the equal protection and due process clause, the 14th Amendment. Yeah, that that's pretty self-evident. So, you know, when it's teed up like that, when you get cert, you're at the Warren Court, I think you're feeling pretty good.

Nick Capodice: [00:14:45] And what's the argument coming from Virginia?

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:14:47] So this is a book by Dr. Albert Gordon, and he talked about the negative effects of interracial marriage on society, calling him, quote, undesirable and saying that they, quote, hold no promise for a bright and happy future for mankind, unquote. And so there definitely was this idea that the marriage itself but then always right. Like this is the same thing. And always in marriage equality, it's the same thing, then the same things. Later idea ideas like, oh, the poor children who will be victimized by this, you know, what's going to happen to them. And so the Virginia lawyers talk about this in their briefs to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:21] Lawyer Robert McIlwaine argued for the state of Virginia and his argument swirls around the same principle that the Virginia Supreme Court insisted upon. That the state could protect its citizens and because interracial marriage resulted in negative home environments, the state ought to prevent those marriages from happening.

Robert McIlwaine: [00:15:41] Intermarried families are subjected to much greater pressures and problems. It is not infrequent that the children of intermarried parents are referred to not merely as the children of intermarried parents, but as the victims of intermarried parents and as the models of intermarriage.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:01] It also argued, by the way, that because both the person of color and the white person in these cases was punished, it was equal punishment and so not unequal.

Robert McIlwaine: [00:16:11] The prohibition works both ways. You say a man that is prohibited from marrying into another race feels inferior. The prohibition also prohibits a white person to marry a colored person. [unintelligible]

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:23] And I want to point out Cohen and Hirschkop hammer home not to the fact that this is a violation of equal protection under the law, not just the fact that the Virginia law violated the due process clause of the 14th Amendment, but also the fact that Richard and Mildred Loving loved each other.

Bernard Cohen: [00:16:39] And that is the right of Richard and Mildred Loving to wake up in the morning or to go to sleep at night knowing that the sheriff will not be knocking on their door or shining a light in their face in the privacy of their bedroom or illicit cohabitation. The Lovings have the right to go to sleep at night knowing that should not should they not awake in the morning, their children would have the right to inherit from them under intestacy. They have the right to be secure in knowing that if they go to sleep and do not wake up in the morning, that one of them, a survivor of them, has the right to Social Security benefits. All of these are denied to them. As I started to say before, no matter how we articulate this, no matter which theory of the due process clause or which emphasis we attach to, no one can articulate it better than Richard Loving. When he said to me, Mr. Cohen, tell the court I love my wife and it is just unfair that I can't live with her in Virginia.

Nick Capodice: [00:17:44] I have to imagine standing before the Warren Court, the same court that had just declared racial segregation in schools unconstitutional. Virginia had its work cut out for them, and these ACLU lawyers were in pretty good shape arguing against this racist principle before Earl Warren. So what did the court end up ruling?

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:18:04] The Supreme Court says the Warren Court says the reasoning behind them is, quote, obviously an endorsement of the doctrine of white supremacy, close quote. Right. So there you go. You know, you could have written the opinion in like one page. And, you know, and I think Justice Warren is doing that and he's like, let's just let's call this what it is. The court ultimately says, like, look, we're not looking at this after analysis of what happens afterwards and who's harmed does not harm. We're looking at the beginning part. We don't need to get in to see who's better. This is just wrong. It's white supremacy and it's it it is against the equal protection clause.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:36] And that could be enough. Right. But Earl Warren doesn't stop there.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:18:40] But what's super interesting is that they have at the end of the session, like put a put a rainbow start asterisks next to this. They make a due process. Also, rights to the Fourteenth Amendment has is two parts. You have to have equal protection law. But there's also due process. When you think of that normally is like I have to be able to have a you know, come to court. I have to have a judge there. I need to have my, you know, a lawyer there and things like that. But the court does say very briefly, you know, hey, marriage is a civil right and the Lovings are being denied of this freedom because they are being denied of liberty without due process of law.

Nick Capodice: [00:19:12] Ok, so is the court saying antimiscegenation laws, laws banning interracial marriage are unconstitutional, full stop?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:19:19] That's right. Now, at the time this case was argued, 16 states had laws banning the marriage of a white person to a person of color. The opinion written by Warren calls these laws, quote, odious to a free people and said the Virginia Racial Integrity Act had no legitimate purpose, quote, independent of invidious racial discrimination.

Nick Capodice: [00:19:40] Hannah How long did it take for all states to eliminate antimiscegenation practices?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:19:46] The last state to eliminate antimiscegenation law from their books was Alabama in 2000. Now, law is not the same thing as practice. Still, it took over 30 years to scrub this form of white supremacy from all of the books.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:20:05] It is shocking that it took to the year 2000 for Alabama to become the last state to adopt that decision, and that what's even more shocking is it was a ballot initiative, right? Like that. People had to go out and vote as to whether or not it was OK for me to marry my wife.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:22] Judge Faruqui pointed out that antimiscegenation law probably was not enforced, even in states that still had laws like that on the books. Terms of implementation, it wasn't like eliminating segregation in schools. There were no tactical bussing questions to address, no public education funding to reappropriate. This was about a personal decision between two people

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:20:45] Not to be cheesy, but black and white. Right. Like you just can't get married. And so it was, I think, a lot easier to implement, certainly, than Brown or something like that. But you see that it there were, you know, the the poison or the animus behind it. It's still lingered and went on.

Nick Capodice: [00:21:05] Yeah, to that point, Hannah, that the lingering on and not just the poison, but the positive legacy as well, how did Loving v. Virginia change life in the U.S.?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:16] Well, I feel like a testament to Loving's legacy really shines. In this podcast, I discovered it's called The Loving Project. It was made by a married couple, Farah Parks and Brad Linder, put together in twenty seventeen.

Farrah Parkes: [00:21:30] So Brad and I got married in between the summer between my two years of grad school and that fall in my family law and social policy, I learned about Loving v. Virginia and was just struck by how recent it was.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:45] Farrah and Brad are an interracial couple and it occurred to them that they could just interview other interracial couples about being together, that that was the best way to commemorate the decision that allowed certain interracial couples to get married in the first place. And they interviewed couples who had been married for a few months and couples who had been married for 50 years. So in terms of what life might have been like for an interracial couple immediately after loving

Farrah Parkes: [00:22:12] The couple that got married the year after, loving and, you know, met in the South, he was at Vanderbilt, she was at Fisk. And and to think of the bravery they had to have shown and Florence, you know, pretty fierce, but it's like a big teddy bear, you know. And he tells a story about the time when he bought a gun because he could see people following them on the highway. And, you know, Laura Knoy found out later and was like, we're not doing that, just the fact that they persevered through all of that and also just the fact that they were forced into these, you know, sort of hard decisions like buying and carrying a gun. You know, this really just sweet, affable guy sitting in front of you being like, well, I was going to get a gun to protect my life and my family. You know, it was just so powerful to hear that and and also to just have seen them come out on the other side and just, you know, be happy and successful in their kids and grandkids. And they're my heroes.

Nick Capodice: [00:23:19] So for this couple who are only able to marry because of Loving v. Virginia, that case is a seminal moment in their lives. And they lived through what that decision and other civil rights decisions could not do, which is to magically eliminate racism and its threats in the U.S.. But I want to know about newly married interracial couples. Did they think about Loving what it did or what it didn't do?

Farrah Parkes: [00:23:43] It was definitely a bigger deal for the older couples because they had just been so much sentir about, you know, social center as well as, you know, the loving decision being recent. But in terms of anybody that got married, you know, like after 1980 or so, I'm not sure it was there was necessarily necessarily a variation. I do think that the gay couples like because they because same sex marriage was so new, loving was a bigger thing in their minds because they also recognized, you know, the ways that this marriage hadn't been legal nationwide until 2015. You know, that there were precedents for that.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:24:26] And as far as walking through life as an interracial couple and confronting racism together, Farrah and Brad told me that, of course, that did come up in a lot of interviews.

Brad Linder: [00:24:37] People did sort of learn how to walk through the world together as a couple and deal with the fact that they might not be always seen the same way by other people.

Farrah Parkes: [00:24:49] Yeah. And just sort of developing, you know, a greater understanding of racial dynamics in this country. Not that, you know, they are the white partner is completely, you know, cleansed of all, you know, sort of the racism that everybody walks around in and just inherent everywhere but that they develop a better understanding of what it is that people of color go through. And then also just, you know, the sharing of different cultural traditions.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:25:18] And for Ferrah, part of the reason she wanted to commemorate this case is because it is so recent, because it was a decision made by flesh and blood, men in black robes, men who can change their minds.

Farrah Parkes: [00:25:33] It's scary, actually, I think, to realize that it was so recent. Like if you had asked me before I learned about loving, if there was a time when when people of different races could marry, I would have said yes. But if you had asked me to guess when that ended, I probably would have guessed a lot earlier than 1967 and the fact that it was so. You know, tenuous I mean, you know, the Supreme Court, you know, it is the law of the land, but it's still, you know, the courts can change and and judges change. And so there's also the sense that, you know, these things could change. And it's not sort of enshrined into it's not in the constitution. Right. And it's only in certain states laws. So I think it's scary to think about how. Some people, humanity and some people's rights are really being held on by a thread,

Nick Capodice: [00:26:41] And this brings me, Hannah, to the question we always ask why do we talk about the Supreme Court cases? Why are they important to return to or to celebrate as fair? And Brad did. And I think it's in part because there are moral beings at their core, people who made a decision to preserve a right. And people could make a decision to dismantle that right as well, but either way, the reason they come to that decision is in part based on their being flesh and blood, changeable human beings who see humanity and others. So we talk about these cases to remember what people recognized as a civil right and why they chose to uphold it so that we will know in the future what to point to if that right is challenged.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:24] And in the case of Loving v. Virginia in particular, we are talking about a man and a woman who loved one another and wanted to be married, live in the same home, raise their children and the judges who said, yes, that is your right. They didn't just make that decision based on the Constitution. They made it because they heard a story about human beings. And it was a good one, actually. Judge Farooqi brought this up, you know, yes. Judges passed down rulings based on the language of the Constitution. That's where law locates justice and injustice. But a sense of injustice that's also a feeling right and wrong, are defined by our founding documents and by our moral compass. To people, loving one another is not some fun anecdote in oral argument. It's the core of this case. It's part of what makes Loving v. Virginia a landmark case.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:28:22] We're not just robots, we're not automatons. We're just sitting and blindly looking. This I bring my life experiences with me to court as a judge, as a person in an interracial marriage. Sure. That comes to mind what would have happened if at the Virginia State Court there was someone who loved a black woman? There's someone who he was you know, he was Native American. Perhaps they would have said like the same result. But at least as they were thinking about it, they think about how does this make the Lovings feel? Right. And so that's my second point as to why this is super important. It's really upsetting. I mean, it really is. I mean, I'm NMI. So I think about most things now in terms of my kids and my daughter, who when she was, I guess, like seven pre pandemic and came back from class, was like, wait, like what happened to black people? I don't understand. You're like, oh my God, I don't even know how to begin this conversation. And I talked about loving. So because it's something that was really easy for me, because it obviously affects us. I was like, you know, there used to be a law that mama mama couldn't get married. And like, why? I was like, that's a good question. And, you know, it's but it is I want not only because of vigilance, but I just want her to appreciate and me to appreciate, like nothing is for granted that we shouldn't take anything for granted and like, hurt has happened and hurt requires, you know, thoughtful reflection upon it. And then also remedies. Right. Like what was a remedy for the Lovings?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:44] Richard and Mildred Loving won their case. An interracial couples won the right to marry without persecution. The Lovings raised their kids in Virginia. Richard died in a car crash at the age of 41, a crash that Mildred survived. She died in 2008 at the age of 68. And though neither of these individuals considered themselves history makers, they were only doing what they thought was right. Their case has been cited again and again in marriage equality cases. It was a major precedent case in the decision of Oberg, AFLD v. Hodges in 2016, the case that upheld the right to same sex marriage. Mildred did not live to see that case, but up until the end of her life, she did maintain a sense of right and wrong when it comes to love. Here's what she said on the fortieth anniversary of her court case.

Judge Zia Faruqui: [00:30:33] And so she issues this statement June 2007. She says, My generation was bitterly divided over something that should have been so clear and right. The majority believe that what judge said that it was God's plan to keep people apart and the government should discriminate against people in love. But I have lived long enough now to see big changes. The older generations fears and prejudices have given way in today's young people realize that if someone loves someone, they have a right to marry, surrounded as I am now by wonderful children and grandchildren. Not a day goes by. They don't think of Richard and our love, our right to marry and how much it meant to me that freedom to marry the person precious to me, even if others thought that was the wrong kind of person for me to marry. I believe all Americans, no matter of their race, no matter their sex, no matter their sexual orientation, should have that same freedom to marry. Government has no business imposing some people's religious beliefs over others, especially if it denies people civil rights. I'm still not a political person, but I am proud that Richard and my name is on a court case that can help reinforce the love, the commitment, the fairness and the family that so many people, black or white, young or old, gay or straight, seek in life. I support that freedom to marry for all. That's what Loving and loving are all about.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:32:11] This episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy with Nick Capodice, Christina Philips is our senior producer. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton and Mitch Schacci. And Erika Janik is our executive producer music in this episode by Chris Zabriskie, Daniel Birch, Xylo Ziko and Crowander. We have so many more resources and so many more episodes. You can find all of them at Civics101podcast.org. And don't forget, you never have to miss a single Civics 101 episode. Follow us on Apple podcasts or wherever you get your podcasts. And while you're there, leave us a review. We want to know what you think of us. And a very special thanks to Rebecca Fanning of the U.S. courts for all of her help, both on this episode and this entire Supreme Court series. Civics 101 supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
 

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Civil Rights: Brown v Board of Education of Topeka

Five cases, eleven advocates, and a quarter century of work; Brown v Board of Education of Topeka addressed this question: does racial segregation in schools violate the 14th amendment?

Walking us through the long journey to overturn Plessy v Ferguson are Chief Judge Roger Gregory and Dr. Yohuru Williams. They tell us how the case got to court, what Thurgood Marshall and John W. Davis argued, and how America does and does not live up to the promise of this monumental decision.

Click here for a Graphic Organizer for students to fill out while listening to the episode


Transcript

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:00] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:05] Since the first one appeared on the docket in 1791, there have been thousands of cases argued in the U.S. Supreme Court and each one arrived there in a different way. An individual burned a flag.

Speaker3: [00:00:17] Whatever pain freedom of expression may inflict, [00:00:20] it is a principle on which we can give no ground.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:23] Another was not informed of their rights upon arrest.

Speaker3: [00:00:27] Miranda petitioner versus Arizona.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:30] The president refused to hand over secret recordings

Speaker3: [00:00:33] That the Constitution means what he says it does and that there is no one, not even the Supreme Court, to tell [00:00:40] him otherwise

Nick Capodice: [00:00:41] These become landmark cases after they're decided. But sometimes there's an issue that's so divisive, so prevalent in the minds of Americans that a case is a landmark before it even gets there, a case that lawyers and doctors, [00:01:00] sociologists and activists had been working on for a quarter of a century before its day in court.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:01:07] Sometime, you know, you go through things like, well, you know, I didn't know at the time, but they knew at the time they were riding in lightning.

[00:01:20] Every. [00:01:20] I can recommend people

Speaker3: [00:01:29] You've got to go to it not only in you getting so many people, I mean, the Feltes main just gravity. Oh, [00:01:40] I wouldn't want to get all the hate in their heart. What about you, sir? Do you think they got to go back to school?

[00:01:48] And I say segregation now. Segregation tomorrow.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:59] You're listening [00:02:00] to Civics 101, I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:02] I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice: [00:02:03] And today we are learning about one of the most landmark landmark decisions in U.S. history, a case that was actually five cases rolled into one, all of them asking this simple question, does racial segregation in schools violate the 14th [00:02:20] Amendment is separate but equal equal. This is Brown versus Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, 1954.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:29] How does such an enormous question even end up before the Supreme Court?

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:02:35] Well, the best way to start it is in 1896, the Supreme [00:02:40] Court handed down the decision of Plessy vs. Ferguson. Briefly. It is known for its ruling that state mandated segregation of the races would not violate the 14th Amendment of the Constitution if those accommodations or services are equal.

Nick Capodice: [00:02:59] This is Chief [00:03:00] Judge Roger Gregory

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:03:01] I'm the chief judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit. The 4th Circuit encompasses the states of Maryland, West Virginia, the North and South Carolina.

Yohuru Williams: [00:03:12] Well, what you witnessed in the aftermath of Plessy is the kind of gradual adoption of separate but equal as we know it today. [00:03:20]

Nick Capodice: [00:03:20] And this is Dr. Yohuru Williams. He's professor of history and founding director of the Racial Justice Initiative at the University of St. Thomas.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:27] Gradual adoption of separate but equal. In other words, segregation laws didn't happen overnight.

Nick Capodice: [00:03:35] Yeah, we see this in so many Supreme Court decisions. It takes time [00:03:40] for the effects of these big rulings to change laws and customs state by state.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:45] What did segregation look like in the United States in the first half of the 20th century before Brown v. Board?

Yohuru Williams: [00:03:52] So it's not immediate that segregation signs go up, but over the course of the 30 years post Plessy, you actually begin [00:04:00] to see kind of the advent of this rigid system of segregation, which most of us associate with the white and colored signs. For example, the first municipality to enact the residential segregation ordinance is Baltimore, Maryland, in 1910. That's relatively late. So you're looking at certainly [00:04:20] a segregationist impulse and you're certainly looking at efforts by municipalities and private businesses to segregate. But it's informal and haphazard in some sense, and it increasingly becomes more formalized

Nick Capodice: [00:04:36] And in terms of education. This resulted in massive disparities [00:04:40] in school funding. Many states were spending three times as much on white students than Black students, and some were even more disparate; for every five dollars spent on a Black child in South Carolina. Fifty three dollars was spent on a white child.

Yohuru Williams: [00:04:55] And then by the time you get to the 19 teens and nineteen twenties, segregation [00:05:00] as we know it, in the form that we're most familiar with, it is is pretty much entrenched in the United States, particularly in the former states to the old Confederacy.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:11] But before you think I'm saying that segregation was a purely Southern institution, it was widespread throughout the entire U.S. in completely different ways. And to explain [00:05:20] this, Yohuru defined two terms for me, de juri and de facto segregation. De juri is by law, de facto is by custom or practice.

Yohuru Williams: [00:05:30] A good example of that would be segregation ordinances that require African-Americans or the white and colored races to go to separate schools or residential [00:05:40] segregation ordinances which deny African-Americans and whites to occupy homes domiciles within the same block. That's there by by law.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:51] And while during segregation was more common in the Southern states, de facto segregation was in the North.

Yohuru Williams: [00:05:56] You'd have de facto segregation at education because [00:06:00] because African-Americans, like immigrants, move into neighborhoods which are predominantly comprised of people from that race or that ethnic group, then the schools and the businesses and everything that's in that community by default is predominantly African-American and predominantly Italian or [00:06:20] whatever it may be. The difference with the ethnic immigrants is that eventually they're able to escape those spaces. But for African-Americans, thanks to practices such as redlining, that becomes literally in and of itself a prison and they're not able to escape,

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:38] I feel like redlining should be an entire episode [00:06:40] of Civics 101. But can you just give a short definition of it?

Nick Capodice: [00:06:44] Sure. Briefly. Redlining grew out of the New Deal in the 1930s. In an effort to increase the number of American homeowners, the government increased federal loans for homes, but mortgage lenders refused to grant those loans. The people who lived in, quote, [00:07:00] hazardous neighborhoods, those were predominantly neighborhoods with a large Black population.

Speaker3: [00:07:06] We have absolutely no one in the south, those areas which have been segregated for at least 100 years.

Nick Capodice: [00:07:15] So by the time we get to the 1950s, about 11000 school districts in the country, [00:07:20] the majority are segregated. It was required in 16 states and optional or not forbidden in another 18. So that's where we are. School segregation wise when the court hears the case in 1952.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:35] So what was happening with the opposition to segregation leading up to this case? [00:07:40]

Nick Capodice: [00:07:40] The NAACP, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People began the legal fight against segregation in the early 1930s. Charles Hamilton Houston, he was a graduate of Harvard Law, became their first legal counsel. Houston later worked at Howard University, where he and Thurgood [00:08:00] Marshall and others started, in essence, a think tank. Legal minds from across the country working to conceive a strategy to take on separate but equal.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:11] And what did their strategy end up being?

Nick Capodice: [00:08:13] Here's Judge Gregory again.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:08:15] So basically, let's take Plessy, even though we don't like it, at its word. Forms were filed. [00:08:20] These suits, whenever there's demonstrable differences in the facilities, is clearly unequal. So you bring litigation. And the overall strategy was it was a war of attrition.

Nick Capodice: [00:08:35] Their legal strategy at first focused on the equal part of separate but equal, [00:08:40] schools could segregate as long as they had equal facilities. So the NAACP found instances where schools clearly did not. But providing equal facilities cost a lot of money, money that many institutions didn't have.

Yohuru Williams: [00:08:54] The idea was we need to undermine the doctrine of Plessy vs. Ferguson in all [00:09:00] aspects of American life. They realized, for example, that in terms of education, the best case they can make early on is a graduate professional education. Why will they make the case that if a law student wants to practice law in a particular state, but the state's answer to not maintaining a separate [00:09:20] facility for quote unquote colored students is to send that student anywhere in the country they want to go provide full tuition. The state saying we're offering you a deal here. We're saying you can go wherever else eventually. Thurgood Marshall, Charles Hamilton, Houston, they'll come to the conclusion, you know, kind of brilliantly, Thurgood [00:09:40] Marshall, the case of Murray vs. Maryland that, well, that's inherently unequal because you're denying that student access to those facilities within the state that ultimately would be successful for them to be able to work and be successful as an attorney in that state.

Nick Capodice: [00:09:55] And this was a particular situation that Thurgood Marshall knew very well because he [00:10:00] wanted to go to the University of Maryland law school and had been denied admission. And so he went to Howard, a historically Black university. But this strategy, focusing on higher education, worked.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:10:12] So for the first time in these cases, there were victories. But the victory was this. The court recognized that [00:10:20] there were intangibles about the educational process that you couldn't make because these schools, because the states responded, said, OK, we'll start a new law school. And the court said, wait a minute, a law school that's newly minted months old versus University of Oklahoma. University of Texas, [00:10:40] it's it's it's almost a joke to consider that to be equal. So therefore, admission was allowed. So that was a good part. But the bad part is that these cases did not take on Plessy head-on. It dealt with equalization.

Nick Capodice: [00:10:56] That is, until 1950. Charles [00:11:00] Hamilton Houston died and Thurgood Marshall became the head of the legal team of the NAACP. And he shifted the strategy, saying, we are no longer fighting for equal, we're fighting against separate. And he and his team selected five cases to submit to the Supreme Court to overturn Plessy v. Ferguson.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:20] Yeah, [00:11:20] OK, so I always thought the Brown v. Board was just one case with one plaintiff. What were these other cases about?

Nick Capodice: [00:11:28] All right, here's a summary of the five cases that we now know as Brown v. Board of Education. No. One, Briggs v. Elliott. Harry Briggs lived in Summerton, South Carolina, where his son and others had no [00:11:40] bus transportation whatsoever to their Black elementary schools, which were little more than wooden shacks. And they would walk, in some cases eight miles to school, #2, Bowling v. Sharpe, a group of 11 Black junior high schoolers who were refused admission to an all white school in Washington, D.C. Their Black-only schools [00:12:00] were shown to be grossly unequal. Number three, Belton v. Gebhart. This was a case where students in Delaware were riding busses an hour to get to their crowded one room school. Number 4, Davis V County School Board of Prince Edward County. This is the only case that started from a protest. 16 year old Barbara Rose Johns led [00:12:20] a walkout of her school to protest unequal conditions. And finally, number five, Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, which interestingly, is the only case where school facilities were found to be equal and in some instances superior. But the qualification of teachers was called into question.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:12:39] These cases [00:12:40] were meticulously chosen because they wanted the facts to be different. Washington, D.C., federal jurisdiction, not state Delaware state case. And they won the case. They were respondents. There was some schools where Blacks attended where it was at least equal to the whites. So they wanted [00:13:00] to make sure this wasn't just about you take on Plessy because the argument what they wanted to make is even if the school is equal or better, there's something inherently, inherently. Unequal about separation.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:17] It was a strategy where they wanted to cover all of [00:13:20] their bases.

Nick Capodice: [00:13:20] Yeah, Judge Gregory said they were thinking through all the possibilities with these cases to make sure that there was no wiggle room.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:13:27] And the key is this. They want to make sure that when they won, that this would settle it for all America. You couldn't say, oh, that was the state not about [00:13:40] federal. No, it's state and federal. Whatever was...every fact was and you couldn't say, well, that was the Blacks in poverty. No, they had several Black physicians, Black professors, teachers. It didn't matter. Segregation, it was harmful. And they wanted [00:14:00] to cross the whole spectrum. No matter what the circumstance, the harm is done to the Black kids who are denied based solely on race.

Nick Capodice: [00:14:10] And now we come to the argument in the court, the case or cases, I should say, were argued in December 1952 to answer the question, [00:14:20] does segregation violate the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:24] Who are the lawyers who are actually making the arguments in the court?

Nick Capodice: [00:14:28] Due to this being five cases, there were 11 lawyers as advocates. The two most famous, though, were in one corner arguing against Plessy v. Ferguson, Thurgood Marshall. [00:14:40]

Speaker3: [00:14:40] Well, when you live in a segregated community, you find that one group has everything and the other group has little, if anything.

Nick Capodice: [00:14:47] And in the other, arguing that states had a right to segregate John W. Davis,

Speaker3: [00:14:53] The state establishes the schools. It pays the funds and it has the sole power to educate its citizens [00:15:00]

Nick Capodice: [00:15:01] Since there isn't any archival I can find if John W. Davis, that is from the wonderful TV miniseries Separate but Equal, Burt Lancaster's final role.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:09] And what were Marshall's and Davis's arguments?

Nick Capodice: [00:15:12] Ok, first, a man who had appeared in the Supreme Court one hundred and forty times, John W. Davis,

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:15:18] John W. Davis [00:15:20] at the time was considered to be the most eminent and prominent lawyer in America. He was former president of the bar. You know, he was a candidate for president. He was ambassador to England. I mean, he he was just awesome. He made it simple. He said, court, you are [00:15:40] interpreting the 14th Amendment and you're your power, if it exists, must exist to the 14th Amendment. To end segregation. So let's look at what the framers let's look and see what their intent was.

Nick Capodice: [00:15:57] Davis had three main arguments based [00:16:00] on what he saw as the intent of the people who wrote the 14th Amendment. Number one, the Freedmen's Bureau, which was created in 1866, established segregated schools so Congress could not have meant to end segregation. Number two, Davis talked about how Senator Charles Sumner proposed that four formerly Confederate states to be readmitted [00:16:20] to the Union. They had to desegregate and that proposal failed. And finally, number three, Congress operated segregated schools in Washington, DC

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:16:30] So how could the same Congress met to end segregated schools in the 14th Amendment when they turned around were operating segregated [00:16:40] schools at the same time? So this is first attack. Justices, you can't do this when the framers clearly laid the breadcrumbs to show that that couldn't have been their intent.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:53] So Davis wasn't interested in arguing about equality. He was only arguing about the intention [00:17:00] of the man who wrote the 14th Amendment.

Nick Capodice: [00:17:03] Yes, Davis admitted schools were not equal and they should be. But he said the states just needed time to do it.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:12] And what was Thurgood Marshall's answer to this?

Nick Capodice: [00:17:14] Marshall hardly focused on the intent of the framers at all.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:17:17] He said, and this is where he really put it to the court, that the [00:17:20] only thing he could think of to rationalize this is that somehow it was important to keep these people who had come up from slavery to keep them as in a position or status as close as possible to that condition of enslavement as [00:17:40] you can. And is now is the time for the court to say that that is not what the Constitution stands for and to make that clear. So he took it right on. He said basically you have to adopt that view. That is something intrinsic about the Black race, [00:18:00] that it must be kept in an inferior status close to slavery is possible contrary to the 13th Amendment, of course, because it says all vestiges of that servitude beautiful how he tied that into a 13th Amendment theme. And to continue what the court said, the Constitution still stands for that in nineteen fifty [00:18:20] three. That was his response to Davis, which was all just just brilliant. You have same schools, equal schools, same funding, beautiful building. It doesn't matter. Then what he did. It put together not just arguments from lawyers, but a team of experts that were awesome, Dr. Kenneth Clark, who [00:18:40] did Black Doll study and showed how these Black kids were shown dolls and rejecting really themselves

Archival: [00:18:48] As the nice dark. Which doll is the bad doll,

Nick Capodice: [00:18:56] Kenneth and Mamie Clark's doll test asked Black children to point to a Black or [00:19:00] a white doll when asked, which is the smart doll, the polite doll, or which is the ugly doll, which is the naughty doll. And these children overwhelmingly pointed to the white doll for all the positive traits and the Black doll for all the negative ones.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:19:14] What compels the court to act is to show a harm. And they use [00:19:20] the tort model, which means in law a wrong, the wrong is the physical and mental damage done to the child. Had to be a moment of just tearful moment, but also a moment powerfully that for the first time to show in terms of the amount of science that these things are real and they're very [00:19:40] devastating and Marshall made it clear. We may have done it long and announced it long but these have become echoes of real harm to real children.

Nick Capodice: [00:19:54] The court hears the arguments in 1952 and says come back in a year and argue it [00:20:00] again,

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:00] Why did they do that? Why not just issue a ruling? Then and there?

Nick Capodice: [00:20:04] The court was divided on the issue and some justices felt that if this decision was not unanimous, pro segregationists could use that to delegitimize the ruling. And so Justice Felix Frankfurter proposed a new hearing [00:20:20] as a stalling tactic to build consensus, impossible as it seemed at the time. But before that second round of arguments, something big happened.

Speaker3: [00:20:30] President Eisenhower appointed Governor Earl Warren of California as chief justice of the Supreme Court. The 62 year old Calif.

Nick Capodice: [00:20:37] What happened is this. Chief justice, Fred Vinson, [00:20:40] who had presided over the first Brown v. Board arguments, died in 1953, and President Eisenhower needed to appoint a new chief justice. And he had promised former California Governor Earl Warren, who is just about to take a job as Eisenhower solicitor general, that he'd have the next vacancy that opened up in the court and Earl Warren was nominated to be the [00:21:00] next chief justice. The case was argued again in December of nineteen fifty three. And on May 17th, 1954,

Speaker3: [00:21:08] On May 17, the court ruled unanimously that segregation in public schools was not legal.

Nick Capodice: [00:21:15] Separate but equal is a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment overturning [00:21:20] Plessy v. Ferguson and ending school segregation. And it was unanimous. Scholars agree that while the ruling would have been the same if Vinson hadn't died, the unanimity was secured by Chief Justice Warren. He convinced one justice to drop his concurring opinion and another to drop his dissent. And Warren himself [00:21:40] wrote the opinion.

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:21:41] The opinion is beautiful in its simplicity and brevity. The court said quite plainly, we cannot determine the intent. Brilliant. We can't do it. They didn't hem and haw and try to, you know, pontificate and scratch their chins like some opinions do. We [00:22:00] can't tell. So we move on. And we must assess in modern day time. What is the importance of education? So that's how he got to it quickly. And what he said, there's nothing probably more important in a state and local government function to educate its children. It [00:22:20] is the window through which everyone develops, how they become a thinking person. How democracy thrives. Because people are able to function and be productive and understand their rights and those things. And he doubts that in a court of law they say that any child could succeed without an education.

Nick Capodice: [00:22:38] Warren's opinion ends with "we [00:22:40] conclude that in the field of public education, the doctrine of separate but equal has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal."

Judge Roger Gregory: [00:22:51] It reminds me of Alexis de Tocqueville in 1830, traipsed about America and wrote American Democracy. He said America's [00:23:00] greatness is not because we are more enlightened than other nations. He said Our greatness is our ability to repair our faults. And I can't think of a better example of that than Brown.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:16] But what next? How does desegregation [00:23:20] happen in those 11000 school districts?

Nick Capodice: [00:23:23] The Supreme Court made a new ruling in 1955, which they just called Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka II to give their recommendations and how the decisions should be implemented. Now, remember, the Supreme Court interprets the law. They can't enforce it. They can't fine a school or [00:23:40] arrest a principal for refusing to desegregate. But they did use four famous, some now say, infamous words about how desegregation should happen "with all deliberate speed." Here's Yohuru Williams again.

Yohuru Williams: [00:23:55] It's not so much that Brown led to immediate desegregation. [00:24:00] In fact, the language of the court itself becomes contested. What does all deliberate speed mean? You've got some municipalities who look at that after they, you know, exhaust efforts at interposition and nullification and other efforts, Governor Lindsay Almond in Virginia closes the schools for a year rather than see them open on an integrated basis. Then you've got other places, [00:24:20] you know, other states that go. Well, all deliberate speed. We think that we can accomplish this by nineteen eighty. So they're kind of kicking the can down the road.

Nick Capodice: [00:24:28] The timeline of desegregation of schools is lengthy. Most famously in 1957, a white mob of protesters as well as the Arkansas National Guard prevented nine students from attending Central [00:24:40] High in Little Rock, Arkansas.

Speaker3: [00:24:42] Little Rock, Arkansas. And the first phase of the trouble, the white population are determined to prevent college students from going to the school. Their own children attend picketing the school. They clash with the police. The law of the land agrees

Nick Capodice: [00:24:55] In response, President Eisenhower federalized the National Guard [00:25:00] and sent 1000 soldiers from 101st Airborne to protect those students.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:25:05] And so at what point was total desegregation of schools actually achieved in the United States?

Nick Capodice: [00:25:13] The answer to this is complicated because while no public school officially says this is a segregated [00:25:20] school, schools in America are enormously segregated. A study in 2016 found that over half of American schoolchildren attend a school that is predominantly white or predominantly Black. And the barrier to integration is due to income inequality, to unequal practices like redlining, even to the placement of train [00:25:40] tracks in a town. But the fact is, schools in America do remain segregated.

Yohuru Williams: [00:25:46] I think part of the challenge with Brown in this kind of tortured relationship with Brown is that there's a recognition on one hand that Brown versus Board of Education was an important milestone [00:26:00] in the struggle for Black equality, no matter what, in terms of how we think about what it actually accomplished, it repudiated the doctrine of separate but equal. The problem is that it's an articulation of principle. And in practice, Brown really hasn't achieved. In fact, one could argue that the efforts to maintain [00:26:20] the segregationist impulse were so insidious that things are worse today when people make the argument that, you know, maybe we should retreat from the promise of Brown versus Board of Education. It's coming in some sense from that room and the narrative that comes from if Brown was [00:26:40] meant to create equality by ensuring absolute equality, access to public education, it failed miserably. If the metric is that it got rid of separate but equal as articulated in Plessy and opened the door for interrogation of of how you dismantle that in other areas is an absolute success. But in terms of its primary [00:27:00] directive, desegregation of schools with all deliberate speed, it would be difficult for anyone to argue at this point that Brown v. Board was a success.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:08] It sounds like Yohuru is saying that while this case was a tremendous victory, schools are just one part of an unequal system. Discrimination in housing, employment, the [00:27:20] criminal justice system. These issues are all intertwined.

Nick Capodice: [00:27:24] That's right. And changing laws does not necessarily change minds. Brown is an amazing victory and an amazing story. You've even got Thurgood Marshall becoming the first Black justice on the Supreme Court 13 years later.

[00:27:37] Historians will note this hour at the White House in [00:27:40] a Rose Garden ceremony, a 58 year old great grandson of a slave is nominated by President Johnson to be a Supreme Court justice. He is Solicitor General Thurgood Marshall

Nick Capodice: [00:27:52] But the half century since that decision has been a series of gains and losses. Many other movements, including the [00:28:00] fight for rights of other minority groups, have been helped by the Brown decision. But many of the issues at the heart of Brown, the promise of equality for all people and how to achieve it remain. That's it for this Supreme [00:28:20] Court episode on Civics 101, follow us on whatever podcast app you prefer to keep up with how these justices interpret our lives.

[00:28:28] This episode was produced by me Nick Capodice with You, Hannah McCarthy thank you.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:31] Thank you. Thank you.Our staff includes Christina Phillips, Mitch Scacchi, and Jacqui Fulton. Erika Janik is our executive producer and rides in lightning while her dogs hide from it.

Nick Capodice: [00:28:32] Music in this episode by Blue Dot Sessions, Sarah the Illstrumentalist,, Scott Holmes, Jesse Gallagher, and that lady whose beats are never vague, Emily Sprague.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:32] Our show is and always will be free to listen to, so show your support of it with a donation at our website, civics101podcast.org.

Nick Capodice: [00:28:57] Civics [00:28:40] 101 is made possible by our listeners [00:29:00] and is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
 

Made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Japanese American Internment

Japanese American internment, or incarceration, spanned four years. Over 120,000 Japanese Americans and nationals, half of them children, were made to leave their homes, schools, businesses and farms behind to live behind barbed wire and under armed guard. There was no due process of law, no reasonable suspicion keeping these individuals locked away. What does this injustice mean to our nation? To the inheritors of that trauma? Our guides to this troubling period of American history are Judge Wallace Tashima, Professor Lorraine Bannai and Karen Korematsu.

 

Episode Resources

Click here to download a graphic organizer to take notes upon while listening to the episode.

Listen to Densho’s new podcast, Campu, which tells the stories of Japanese internment through mundane objects and places.


Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

This transcript may contain errors.

Adia Samba-Quee:
Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Hannah McCarthy:
In the days after the United States entered World War Two, it became clear that the public needed to know more, more about why we were at war, who we were at war with, who our allies were, who our enemies were. So in the summer of 1942, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt created the United States Office of War Information. It would create posters, magazine articles and films to show the American public what we were up to overseas.

Archival:
Believe me, today we've been through some of the real stuff. The fellows are asleep now. They're half dead with exhaustion. They're filthy with sweat and dirt. But take my word for it, Mom. They're grand soldiers. Every one of

Hannah McCarthy:
Them encouraged patriotism.

Archival:
Just what does Mrs. Exception mean when she tells you she had to give up a Red Cross work because it didn't leave her time enough to get her hair done each week

Hannah McCarthy:
And explain why we were removing over 120000 people from their homes and sending them to camps in desolate regions of rural America.

Archival:
All persons of Japanese descent were required to register. They gathered in their own churches and schools, and the Japanese themselves cheerfully handled the enormous paperwork involved in the migration.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Civics 101, I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
And today we are talking about the four year period during which American citizens were ordered to leave their homes, friends, schools and businesses behind to live under armed guard. We're talking about Japanese American confinement during World War two. And if you haven't heard it, this is something of a companion episode to Korematsu versus the United States, the case that unsuccessfully challenged what we'll be talking about today.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
Born in 1934, of course, you know, study a little bit of history. Just I think there's been a remarkable change in our country. You know, it's still ongoing. It's not complete, but there's been a change. I think my life is kind of an illustration of it.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Judge Wallace Tashima. If you've heard our episode on the Supreme Court case, Korematsu versus the United States, then you already know his voice. Judge Tashima is a senior United States circuit judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit and currently lives in Los Angeles, California.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
I was born in Santa Maria, California. My father was an immigrant from Japan. My mother was also an immigrant from Japan. And my father was a graduate of the University of Utah. I was born in Santa Maria where he was the I guess the executive manager of the Farmers Co-op time, which is a big farming area.

Hannah McCarthy:
Judge Tashima's father passed away when he was about four and his mother moved the family to L.A. That is where they were on December 7th, 1941, when the Empire of Japan launched a surprise attack on the naval base at Pearl Harbor in Honolulu, Hawaii. Nearly 1400 people were killed, including some civilians. Now, up until this point, the United States had been officially neutral in the World War. That had been raging for nearly three years. And that was over now.

Archival:
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war. Has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

Nick Capodice:
So Judge Tashima was pretty young when this happened.

Hannah McCarthy:
He was and he makes clear that his memories are that of a young boy. He doesn't remember everything. He didn't grasp everything that was going on at the time, but he still has many memories. It's just him, his sisters and his mom, a family of Japanese descent living in California in the wake of an attack by the Japanese empire

Judge Wallace Tashima:
In May of 1942. We were we were sent to this what they call the war relocation center, which was, you know, like an internment camp. It wasn't a German camp. The one we were sent to was called the Post and it was on the Arizona side of the Colorado River. And to show how many people were there, I think there are about fifteen thousand Japanese Americans in right away. It became the third largest, if you could call it a city, city in Arizona, because Arizona was you know not heavily populated.

Hannah McCarthy:
Poston was the largest of 10 internment camps scattered across the country where nearly one hundred and twenty thousand people of Japanese descent eventually landed following President Roosevelt's executive order 9066.

Nick Capodice:
Did that order specifically call for the removal and relocation of Japanese Americans?

Hannah McCarthy:
Actually, the order authorized the military to remove and relocate anybody from designated, quote, military areas. But the military targeted people of Japanese descent.

Lorraine Bannai:
Any understanding of the Japanese American population during World War Two has to start with an understanding of the history of anti-American sentiment in this country going all the way back to the immigration of Chinese, mainly Chinese, during the late eighteen hundreds.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Professor Lorraine Bannai. She's the director of the Fred Korematsu Center for Law and Equality and a professor of lawyering skills at Seattle University School of Law.

Lorraine Bannai:
There were just a host of anti-Asian laws. Japanese Americans. Chinese Americans were prohibited from intermarrying with whites. Asian-Americans were prohibited from owning land. Asian-American children are placed in segregated school. We see many of the same types of racist laws directed against other immigrant communities and people of color in this country directed against Asian-Americans. So the bombing of Pearl Harbor took place against this atmosphere of racism and hate,

Archival:
As iron ore is melted in furnaces to remove impurities, so in Japan, humanitarian impurities are burned out of the child as the steel is shaped by beating and hammering. So is the boy hammered and beaten into the shape of the fanatic samurai.

Lorraine Bannai:
You know, in the days that followed, community leaders were picked up and there was a call from the popular press, the public newspapers, to get rid of Japanese Americans from the West Coast believing that they were a threat to the country.

Nick Capodice:
So this demand to remove and relocate anyone of Japanese descent, it's not simply a result of the attack on Pearl Harbor. It came after years and years of bigotry and mistrust and legislation passed against Asian immigrants and Asian-Americans.

Hannah McCarthy:
And it isn't just the press who calls for the removal of anyone who looks Japanese. It's economic and nativist lobbying groups who have long viewed Japanese people as a threat. It's also people from all levels of government. So President Roosevelt finally signed Executive Order 9066 on February 19th, 1942.

Karen Korematsu:
You can imagine or try to imagine that all of a sudden you are looked like as the enemy because you're you're of Japanese ancestry. Even though you're born in this country, you're look like the enemy.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Karen Korematsu, daughter of Fred Korematsu, the man who challenged executive order 9066 by staying put. She now runs the Fred Korematsu Institute.

Karen Korematsu:
Not only were people's possessions and their livelihoods and their and their homes stripped from them, their dignity was stripped from them. And we all want to have our dignity, to be proud of ourselves. And when when people look at you like it's your fault of the bombing of Pearl Harbor, that it's your fault for for this war and You, you're powerless. And it's very, very scary because that weight is on your shoulders.

Nick Capodice:
Real quick, what were the military areas that people of Japanese descent were required to leave?

Hannah McCarthy:
All you need to know is that this includes all of California and Alaska and parts of Washington, Oregon and Arizona.

Nick Capodice:
So the entire west coast of the United States.

Hannah McCarthy:
The whole thing off limits to Japanese Americans and nationals. And that's regardless of age, health, occupation or even reasonable suspicion.

Lorraine Bannai:
There were no charges against them. They have no trials and there was no allegation that any had engaged specifically individually had engaged in acts of espionage or sabotage. Every person of Japanese ancestry was moved. There's some really famous footage of soldiers kind of between them carrying an elderly man, holding up an elderly woman between them who can barely walk. But people were moved regardless of age. My my grandmother was a blind mother of five children who had moved. Her son was a teenager at the time. The people were elderly and were ill and orphans and everyone was moved without exception.

Nick Capodice:
So I had a guest recently wrote in to ask us which branch of government and agency was in charge of this effort. Was it the executive branch? Did President Roosevelt have a major say in what went on?

Hannah McCarthy:
The thing about executive order 9066 is that it's simply a military authorization. So while Roosevelt focused on the war, the Army and specifically General John DeWitt, who was in charge of the Western Defense Command of the Army, targeted and removed people of Japanese descent from these, quote, military zones.

Archival:
No one knew what would happen among this concentrated population if Japanese forces should try to invade our shores. Military authorities therefore determined that all of them, citizens and aliens alike, would have to move.

Hannah McCarthy:
All of this fell under various arms of the executive branch. So step one is the army. After that, temporary wartime agencies took over. Step two is the removal of Japanese Americans and immigrants to temporary relocation centers. And step three is the transfer of these individuals to formal internment camps for the duration of the war. Places like Poston War Relocation Center, where Judge Tashima and his family ended up.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
I spent three years and three months there May 42 to August of 1945. So I completed the third, fourth and fifth grade in that internment camp.

Nick Capodice:
That's just so difficult for me to imagine, because when you're that young, just a year of school is a long time. But three years of school is a huge chunk of your entire life. And what were the living conditions like?

Judge Wallace Tashima:
We live in barracks. All internees were housed in these barracks. I would say my best estimate now, probably about the size of a two car garage, a room about that size. And we had five in our family. My mother was a widow and I had three sisters and myself -- four -- she had four kids. And so five of us living in the one room. So there was no privacy, so to speak.

Hannah McCarthy:
No privacy in a room the size of a garage is tough, to say the least, but the Tashimas and everyone else may do.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
So you put a rope and blankets and stuff like that. There was no plumbing, but there was electricity. Each block had a tank of fuel oil. So we had to go get our own fuel oil to fuel up our heater in the unit. They had like central restrooms, called latrines then. A women's latrine and a men's latrine. And also a central laundry room where they can go and do their laundry. And of course, there's no furniture. No one had any furniture. I think it was a bed and mattress.

Hannah McCarthy:
Judge Tashima went to school, made friends, played on the weekends. This is nearly four years of life for most of the people in these camps. So you had to find a way to go on.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
You know, there were no recreation facilities there, no playgrounds, nothing but people, you know, built basketball courts, baseball fields, stuff like that. There was a huge irrigation canal that ran right through the camp. So they make a big like a like a swimming pool. We swam in there and I learned to swim at quite a young age because there was about nothing else to do in the summertime.

Nick Capodice:
Speaking of getting on with your life, how did these individuals and families make their spaces comfortable where they allowed to bring stuff from their homes,?

Hannah McCarthy:
Only what you could carry. So Judge Tashima says people got pretty much everything else from the Sears Roebuck catalog.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
There are no stores, no grocery stores, drug stores, department stores, nothing. Everybody used to order their clothes from Sears Roebuck, I remember. Everybody had a Sears Roebuck catalog.

Nick Capodice:
But where did the money come from to do that, Hannah? Everyone was forced to leave their jobs. So how could they pay for anything from Sears Roebuck?

Hannah McCarthy:
Well, OK. For one, the government covered food and the meager housing and people did have access to their funds, with the exception of a few who had their bank accounts frozen. And there were jobs at the camps.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
A number of the internees were professional people, doctors and nurses, dentists, stuff like that. Those people got highly paid at something like twenty six dollars a month. And if you were if you were cooking in the mess hall you could make maybe 15 dollars a month. It was that kind of wage structure. There were a bunch of Caucasian workers there, some worked in the hospital. My third grade teacher there was a Caucasian woman and they lived in a separate, almost like separate little town.

Hannah McCarthy:
Judge Tashima told me, by the way, that these white workers were also paid significantly more than internees.

Nick Capodice:
That strikes me as just another small example of how the government was explicitly treating these internees as something closer to prisoners than to untried, unconvicted, innocent, loyal citizens. Which brings me to one point. I know we covered in a Korematsu v. US episode, but it's about the terminology here. We've been saying internment and internee because that's what the government called and calls it. And it's more likely what you'll read in a history textbook. But Karen and Lorraine call this incarceration.

Hannah McCarthy:
And that is the term advocated for by organizations who are trying to keep this history alive. And it's not the only government use term that's challenged.

Karen Korematsu:
People don't understand that. You know, the Japanese American incarceration rate, we were trying to bring attention to the euphemisms that were were used at that time to kind of soft pedal the governments, you know, outright really racist act against Japanese Americans. And so, you know, the like you used to refer to the term of evacuation, which I can tell you that even five year olds and six year olds understand evacuation. Yes. Whether you're living in California and you have earthquakes or you're in the middle of the country and you have tornadoes or you're in in Louisiana and in hurricanes. Right. It's it's to be removed for your own safety. Well, the Japanese Americans weren't removed for their own safety. They were forced from their homes. They lost their possessions just because all of them look like the enemy, quote, unquote.

Nick Capodice:
And what happened to the homes of these 120000 people? Did the government seize their property?

Hannah McCarthy:
No, but they might as well have. I mean, when the evacuation order came down, people had between a week and 10 days to either find someone to take and protect their property or to sell it off. You could either sell your home, find a renter, or just hope it wasn't damaged somehow. And renters regularly stole and destroyed property vandalism of Japanese property. It was very common. Across the West Coast, the property damages are estimated to be between one and three billion dollars, and that's not adjusted for inflation.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
A lot of people lost a lot of property and a lot of their savings. You know, my mother being a widow, we didn't have a lot of money. But, for instance, my my father in law, my wife's father was a very successful businessman in Ventura County. He ran several grocery stores, but they took him away. So he lost, I think, literally by today's delegation just millions of dollars.

Nick Capodice:
I know Judge Tashima was quite young at the time, but did Judge Tashima recognize at the time how unjust this was?

Hannah McCarthy:
He told me about movie nights when mothers of soldiers who had died overseas would be called to the front of the crowd and presented with a Medal of Valor, young men who died fighting for the country that incarcerated them.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
It struck me even as a fourth grader. That it was something was not right about that.

Nick Capodice:
Hang on, the Army drafted people from these camps, the same army that rounded them up and forced them to relocate.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
The boys turned 18. They were drafted into the army like all other young white Americans in World War Two. And they would go off to basic training. At that time they all got a 30 day home leave before they were shipped overseas. These boys were then, they finished their basic training and they come back to the camp to spend their last annual pre deployment leave in an internment camp before going off to fight. It just didn't seem right. You know, the only thing a 18, 19 year old can do if you get 30 days leave, where are you going to go? Are you going to go home? Right. And their home was in the internment camp.

Hannah McCarthy:
I also want to point out that not every internee was drafted. Many voluntarily joined the military during World War Two. Judge Tashima also told me that he would occasionally see wounded veterans, people on crutches or in wheelchairs, who, after surviving the war but not without injury, were sent back to Camp re-incarcerated. I feel like we really cannot overstate how frightening and confusing this period of time was for the people incarcerated in these camps. But we also need to emphasize how frustrating and unjust it must have felt. Fred Korematsu was one of many who understood that his rights as an American citizen were being violated, that his humanity was being stripped away.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
There were a number of people, young men, who refused to get drafted until their families were released from camp. And of course, government wouldn't accept a condition like that. So a number of people were tried in federal court throughout the West for violating the draft act. And the sentences range anywhere from some got probation, some as much as five years in prison.

Nick Capodice:
So the incarceration lasted until the end of the war. What was life like when it was all over?

Judge Wallace Tashima:
Well, when we first came back, we went to what they called it a hostel, it was run by a church. Almost like a like a bunch of motel, I guess, or even more budget than that. And we lived there for, I would say, almost a year, six months between six months in the year. And my mother owned the house. I could get the house to back and move back. So I know I spent my sixth grade in the hostel in Venice, California.

Hannah McCarthy:
There was no easy return to normal life after this period, with the exception perhaps of rampant racism being the norm, even for a remarkably successful person like Judge Tashima. He graduated Harvard Law School in 1961. He had decent grades and he was interviewed by some major firms. He says people were nice enough, but they just didn't seem anxious to hire him.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
One hiring partner whom I got to know better years later, from a big law firm in Los Angeles. And he said to me, you know, Wally, I'd like to hire you, but I just can't do it because our clients wouldn't stand for it. When he said that, it always occurred to me, well, that's why, you know, these people that I've interviewed with never even sent me a note saying thanks for interviewing.

Hannah McCarthy:
And it wasn't just exclusion from the job market. It was the housing market, too.

Judge Wallace Tashima:
My wife and I were looking for an apartment and certain landlord said, I'm sorry, we can't we can't rent to you. So it was quite open.

Hannah McCarthy:
So much of this is incredibly galling, both morally and constitutionally, but one detail that I find just incredibly sad is the shame that former internees felt four years following this period. It's like Karen said earlier, that weight of being blamed for the attack on Pearl Harbor, the psychological toll of your own government, presuming You guilty without the option of proving your innocence. Karen didn't even learn her father had been a part of a major Supreme Court case challenging Japanese American removal and relocation until she was in grade school. She heard it during a friend's oral report. And she wasn't the only one. Here's Lorraine again.

Lorraine Bannai:
My parents, my grandparents, my aunts and uncles were incarcerated during World War Two. And like many people who had been incarcerated, they never talked about it. And when we were growing up and so I knew I learned about my family's incarceration during ethnic studies, during Asian-American studies, which was really quite shocking and remarkable and horrible.

Nick Capodice:
Did the government ever do anything, admit that these actions were wrong or try to make up for it in some way?

Hannah McCarthy:
The government compensated for some, though not all, of the property and monetary losses to incarcerated people following the end of World War Two. But it wasn't until nineteen eighty eight through the combined efforts of a formerly interned California congressman and the Japanese American Citizens League that the Civil Liberties Act was passed and surviving internees were granted twenty thousand dollars apiece. The language of the act makes clear that the government actions were based on, quote, race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership, unquote, rather than national security concerns. But while we're on the subject of what the country did to address the race based force confinement of 120000 thousand Japanese American citizens and nationals. I feel like I can reasonably say not much.

Lorraine Bannai:
This isn't taught, it's not required, it's not taught, I'm on the West Coast, it happened here in Seattle and people don't know about it and there's no requirement that teachers teach it. And so teachers have to find their own way.

Hannah McCarthy:
Karen Korematsu, Judge Wallace Tashima and Lorraine Bannai all emphasize the need for education when it comes to what to do with our legacy of incarceration camps. And plenty of people can agree that education about our past is important if we don't want to repeat that past. But Lorraine made me think about it in a pretty specific way. So I want to end on this idea. What do we do with this horrible, uncomfortable, racist moment? We learn what was lost, what was not defended in that moment, because the moment that rights are denied to one person, they can be denied to anybody

Lorraine Bannai:
In a specific way is is really the and then they came for us kind of a thing. Right. That that that what we're talking about as far as racism and sexism and ableism and all of that in this country is that it all rises from the same roots. And that's the root of intolerance and ignorance. Right. And so. So. My sense is that it's so important that all of us be allies for each other, not just because it's the right thing to do, but because it could be us next. And if we don't try to uphold dignity and humanity and the law for four other people, we're we're not holding it up for yourself.

Hannah McCarthy:
One last thing I want to say is that this episode is being released at a time when anti-Asian sentiment and hate crimes are being covered widely in the press. This bigotry is known to be "up" right now, but was also probably underreported and insufficiently covered in the past. But to those who are surprised to learn about anti Asian hate in the U.S. or who think this is a sudden thing tied to hateful rhetoric connecting China to the covid-19 pandemic, I feel like this episode demonstrates that we don't have to look back very far to see broad, life altering anti Asian laws and actions and realize that precedent has long been set for anti Asian hate. But of course, that's all we can do, set precedent and the way that we use the past to inform that precedent, whether we choose to learn from our troubling history is kind of up to us.

This episode of Civics 101 was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy, with Nick Capodice. Our staff includes Jackie Fulton and Mitch Scacchi. Erica Jannik is our executive producer. Music in this episode by Chris Zabriskie, Bio Unit and Zylo Ziko. You can find more resources on Japanese incarceration, the Supreme Court case, Korematsu vs. the United States and of course, everything else we've ever made at Civics101podcast.org. Our pursuit of what is going on and has gone on in this country is never ending. So there will be so much more where this came from. You can make sure you never miss an episode of Civics 101 by following us on Apple podcasts, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts. Civics 101 supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.

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Made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Civil Rights: Korematsu v United States

Is it Constitutional for the government to remove and relocate American citizens to remote camps without due process of law? In 1944, SCOTUS said yes.

In 1942, approximately 120,000 Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans were ordered to leave their homes. They were sent to internment camps in desolate regions of the American West. Fred Korematsu refused to comply. This is the story of his appeal to the Supreme Court and what happens when the judicial branch defers to the military. Our guides for this story are Karen Korematsu, Lorraine Bannai and Judge Wallace Tashima.

Please note: An earlier version of this episode indicated that internment of people of Japanese heritage began a year after Pearl Harbor when in fact the earliest wave of removal and relocation took place just a few months after the attack. This prior version also incorrectly identified Korematsu v U.S. as being the case that upheld Japanese internment. Though many agree this to be the de facto result of the case, Korematsu v U.S. in explicit terms upheld the Constitutionality of the removal and relocation of people of Japanese heritage.

 

Episode Resources

Click here to download a graphic organizer to take notes upon while listening to the episode.

Visit Densho for a wealth of information, including archival materials, chronicling internment during World War II.

Street Law has created wonderful free case summaries for Korematsu, click here for High School and click here for Middle School

Transcript

Adia Samba-Quee: [00:00:00] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:05] Let's try a thought experiment. I'd like you to imagine that you're an American citizen. You're an American citizen and always have been. You were born here in California, to be exact. You went to school here, played with the kids on your block, got a B in algebra, hated taking out the trash, had a crush on the kid who taught you how to surf, worked an after school job at the supermarket in town. Life is good. Mostly not perfect, but this is home. And then one Sunday afternoon, you're lying around your living room with some friends and you hear something on the news. The United States has been attacked. This attack means that the country is joining a war, which is reason enough [00:01:00] for You an American citizen to be concerned. But there's another thing. The nation that staged this attack, your parents immigrated from there, and that's why your home is about to turn on. Bars and clubs print hunting licenses, declaring open season on anyone of your heritage. Magazines print articles explaining what physical features distinguish you from other Americans. Businesses hang signs telling you and your family to go back to where you came from. And then the government, your government, issues a curfew. Anyone descended from the country that attacked the United States has to stay indoors between 8:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m.. And finally, an order comes down, the president will allow the military to remove and relocate whoever [00:02:00] it wants. The military picks You mere months after a foreign nation attacked American soil. You, an American citizen who has never been to that foreign nation are forced out of your home and incarcerated in a camp without due process of law. Because you look like the enemy. Now, here's the question. Does that seem constitutional to you? This is Civics 101, I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:37] I'm Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:38] And today we're exploring a case that upheld the removal and relocation of 120000 people of Japanese heritage, the majority of them American citizens, to isolated camps for nearly four years during World War Two. We're talking about the 1944 case, Korematsu versus the United States.

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:02:58] My father learned about the Constitution [00:03:00] in high school. He was born in Oakland, California, attended Castlemont High School, was just like any other American kid and hung out with his friends. But he was paying attention to the Constitution that day in class and he thought he had rights as an American citizen. And the Executive Order 9066 was issued.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:25] This is Karen Korematsu, daughter of the late Fred Korematsu, the plaintiff in Korematsu v. United States. She founded and serves as director of the Fred Korematsu Institute for Civil Rights and Education.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:38] And what is Executive Order 9066?

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:03:40] The executive order gave the military the authority to forcibly remove anyone of Japanese ancestry from the West Coast.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:49] This order was issued at the height of anti Japanese sentiment in the United States following the attack on Pearl Harbor in Honolulu, Hawaii, on December 7th, 1941 by [00:04:00] the Imperial Japanese Navy, Air Service

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:03] And everything you described at the beginning of this episode, the signs on businesses, the magazine articles, the hunting licenses, the curfew did all of that happened to Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans in the U.S.?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:16] It really did. It also needs to be said that anti Asian sentiment was already rampant in the United States. The Japanese military attacked Pearl Harbor, the U.S. entered World War to Japan, officially became an enemy nation. And the reasoning was, well, you can't separate the sheep from the wolves in sheep's clothing. There may be spies and saboteurs among Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans. So lock them all up. Racism is necessarily not separate from that. That is something to keep in mind when we get to Fred Korematsu case. And speaking of the case, Karen Korematsu, Fred's daughter, is an expert on it now, but she didn't even learn about it until she was 16 [00:05:00] when a school friend of hers mentioned Korematsu versus the United States in a book report.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:05:06] And are you telling me that Karen Korematsu didn't know her father was part of this monumental Supreme Court case until she went to high school? How is that possible?

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:05:17] I always ask the question, well, why didn't anybody talk about this? Well, it wasn't it wasn't acceptable at that time to even speak up. At least now what we're trying to do is now we need to speak up, as my father said. But at that time, it wasn't acceptable in our culture, in the Japanese, in Asian culture, you're you're you're quiet. You're not you don't make trouble. You you go along, you do what you're told, especially if it's from the government. You don't make waves. And they all wanted to prove that they were good American citizens and to follow along with the government's orders. You can't fault [00:06:00] anyone for that,

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:01] And the government's orders were what exactly?

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:06:04] So President Roosevelt issued executive order nine six six allowing or basically delegating to the secretary of war the ability to broad powers and the ability to remove or alter the movements of anyone, the secretary of war or his designate, SOF, that there was nothing on the face of the order that was directed at Japanese Americans. But everybody knew. And you could tell from the entire history behind it that it was really directed at controlling the Japanese American population.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:39] This is Lorraine Bannai, director of the Fred Korematsu Center for Law and Equality and Professor of Lawyering Skills at Seattle University School of Law.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:06:48] Pursuant to Executive Order 9066, Gen. John L. DeWitt, who was the commander of the Western defense, issued a series of orders against the Japanese American [00:07:00] community. He first issued a curfew order that required Japanese Americans to stay near their home and to stay in their homes during certain hours. And that was followed by a series of one hundred and eight civilian exclusion orders requiring Japanese Americans in zone after zone after zone on the West Coast to report for removal from the West Coast. And this included the entire population, including babes in arms and the very elderly. Two thirds of the people who were removed up to one hundred ten thousand one hundred twenty thousand people were like my parents and like Fred, American citizens by birth. So Japanese Americans were first being moved to temporary confinement centers and then ultimately to 10 camps in desolate regions across the United States.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:54] These were called internment camps, internment, meaning to imprison somebody, especially [00:08:00] during wartime, and Japanese immigrant and Japanese American internment. That is an entire civics one on one episode unto itself. But I do want to make clear before we get to Fred Korematsu case, both Karen and Lorraine refer to the government's actions as incarceration. These remote camps were surrounded by barbed wire. They were presided over by armed guards who had orders to shoot anybody who tried to leave.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:08:28] But did people do when these orders came down? I mean, I'm thinking about this moment you described at the beginning of the episode. You're you're going on with your life and suddenly your own government starts treating you like the enemy. How do people respond?

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:08:42] Deputized Americans reacted to this in a myriad of different ways. There's a kind of a story up there that's kind of like Japanese Americans cooperated and went. And and it's really important, I think, that we kind of like diffuse that. Many Japanese Americans complied. They [00:09:00] complied for any number of reasons to show their loyalty, to show they were loyal citizens, because they were frightened, because they were scared, because they didn't know what's going to happen, because they didn't want to be separated from their parents or their children or whatever. So the bulk of Japanese Americans complied. A few did not. And that's kind of what the story is about, is that a few men did not comply.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:29] Speaking of noncompliance, let's get back to Fred Korematsu.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:09:36] Fred Korematsu was a twenty two year old welder living in Oakland, California, when he decided to refuse to report for removal. He chose instead to remain in Oakland with his Italian American fiancee, basically to remain with the woman he loved in the place that had always been his home and decided to stay behind when his [00:10:00] family was taken away.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:01] I should also say Fred Korematsu also just knew this wasn't right.

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:10:06] He just thought that the government was wrong to put people in prison just because they look like the enemy. He was born in this country who is an American citizen. He had never been to Japan. He was the last of his family. It wasn't even until two thousand and one in the spring was the first time he he even went to Japan. My my husband I took took my parents.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:30] There was another significant court case, by the way, that had already upheld the constitutionality of the curfew order, the one requiring Japanese Americans to stay indoors during certain hours. That one called Hirabayashi the United States, which is important to mention because of the argument the government used against Gordon Hirabayashi, because there was no evidence of espionage or sabotage. They went with this. Japanese Americans are prone to disloyalty [00:11:00] because of a natural solidarity with their motherland.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:11:04] We have this litany of, quote, characteristics. The Japanese had to say that given those characteristics, the military could, in its judgment, reasonably believe that the Japanese people posed a threat to the country and that the court had to accept that determination. So Hirabayashi upheld the curfew.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:28] The Supreme Court agreed with the government. Chief Justice Harlan Stone wrote that racial discrimination was acceptable because, quote, In time of war, residents having ethnic affiliations with an invading enemy may be a greater source of danger than those of a different ancestry, end quote. Again, this is the case that upheld the curfew order.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:11:51] A year and a half later, the Korematsu case comes up before the Supreme Court. And this order was different. The Korematsu [00:12:00] case was about the removal of Japanese Americans from their homes, very, very much more intrusive order than one that simply is a curfew that you can't leave your home at night. But the court said that for all the reasons we upheld the curfew order in Hirabayashi, we uphold the removal orders and Korematsu.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:23] So the Supreme Court first rules that people of Japanese descent have the racial characteristic of loyalty to Japan that makes them prone to pose a threat to the United States. Then the court rules that the military removal order in the case of Fred Korematsu is constitutional.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:12:41] And in saying that the court upheld the military order and for Mozza, based on the conclusion that this was a military necessity, a military urgency, and it wasn't about race. In other words, this was a military decision. It wasn't a race based decision. [00:13:00] And the court actually said Korematsu was not excluded from the military area because of any hostility to him or his race. He was excluded because of the military urgency of the situation.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:13:14] But the Fred Korematsu case is following this decision that is based on race. And it certainly seems like the incarceration of Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans must be based on race, because how else do you decide to isolate people of certain descent, but based upon their descent?

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:13:31] What's really important here is that every indication was that the removal orders were about race. They were targeted only at Japanese Americans. And yet the court said this wasn't about race. There was about military necessity. And I can go in to how the big concern we have in so many laws that impact minority [00:14:00] communities. It's that story. It's like this isn't about race. It's about national security. This isn't about race. It's about public health. The government argued this was a military necessity. The military made a judgment that it was necessary to protect our country. And so it's constitutional that basically the court needs to uphold it because it's within the executive's constitutional power.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:14:33] So what happened to Fred Korematsu?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:36] Well, he had already been convicted by a lower court, this Supreme Court case upheld that conviction. He received five years probation and a federal record. And when we do talk about what happened to Fred Korematsu, I also want people to remember that though this seems like something that happened a long time ago in a different kind of America, Fred [00:15:00] and his legal team did not expect to lose this appeal. And the court was not unanimous in upholding Japanese immigrant and Japanese American removal and relocation.

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:15:11] My father thought for sure that by the time that his case reached the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court would say it was unconstitutional. That's how much he believed in in in our democratic process, you know, and and that in the Supreme Court and the Constitution, because all due process of law was denied. So they didn't have access to an attorney, to a hearing. And they there was no charges against them because quote of the executive order. Right. So that's the process. And so by the time that my father's case, because of appeals was heard by the Supreme Court on December 18th, 1944, [00:16:00] it was not a unanimous decision by the Supreme Court. And that's also important. And I encourage students and teachers to to look at the dissenting opinions because the dissenting opinions are still relevant today. The dissenting opinions of of Justice Robert Jackson, who said that might refer to my father's Supreme Court case as this is around like a loaded weapon ready for anyone to pick up and use with a plausible cause. I'm paraphrasing here, Justice Murphy. And forty four call it the ugly abyss of racism. That's very telling. And and Justice Owen Roberts called it unconstitutional

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:47] After Fred's conviction was upheld. He was sent to the Central Utah War Relocation Center in Topaz, Utah.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:16:54] One thing is that he was ostracized by his own community for taking the stand. And [00:17:00] secondly, he was criticized for basically doing this for selfish reasons. He wanted to stay with his girlfriend. It wasn't like he was doing this as an act of civil disobedience, right out of principle for the for the Constitution and make a statement about the Constitution.

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:17:22] He had a federal prison record for almost 40 years. He could even work for the government. There's a lot of things he couldn't do, but most importantly. He did this for for all American citizens because he didn't want something like the Japanese American incarceration to happen again. That's why after his conviction was was overturned in 1983, he found his voice with encouragement from his legal team to crisscross this country and speak to everyone about his own story and about the treatment [00:18:00] of Japanese Americans and the aftermath.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:03] Ok, so Korematsu v. U.S. was overturned in 1983.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:07] No, Fred Korematsu conviction was overturned in 1983. The Supreme Court case, however, was not overruled. Still, it's a story worth telling because it reveals exactly how undeniably unjustified the government's actions were in this case. One last thing I haven't yet mentioned about Professor Lorraine Bannai. She was on Fred Korematsu legal team when his conviction was overturned in 1983.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:18:35] During World War Two, the government suppressed, altered and destroyed material evidence while it was arguing its case before the U.S. Supreme Court. General DeWitt, who was the commander of the Western defense who carried out the program of curfew and removal, had written a final report that basically summed up his reasons for [00:19:00] the incarceration of what he based his decisions on. And it was discovered that the government had given a copy of this report to the Supreme Court, but it was an altered version. So. General DeWitt had written his final report, and in that report, he said that there was no way to tell loyal Japanese Americans until Japanese Americans, no matter how much time you had truly revealing the racist reasoning behind the incarceration, the Japanese were as a group disloyal and you couldn't figure out a loyal one, disloyal one, no matter how much time you have. At the same time, the government was arguing to the Supreme Court that the reason for the incarceration was because there was insufficient time to tell the loyal from the disloyal, which was totally contradicted by DeWitt's reasoning.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:19:57] So DeWitt was saying there is no amount of time [00:20:00] or energy that could determine who's loyal and who is not. At the same time, the government is telling the court, we had to do this because we didn't have enough time.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:09] Right. DeWitt's report exposed the fact that he made a blatantly racist choice when it came to the execution of executive order 9066. All Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans are suspect, period. The government changed that report when they argued before the court and ordered all copies of DeWitt's original report destroyed. So the copies were collected and burned.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:20:34] What survived, however, was a soldier's memo that said Today I destroyed all these copies of this report along with one co- one surviving copy of the original report

 

Nick Capodice: [00:20:45] Really says some soldier was crossing the T's and dotting his eyes and left behind proof of this evidence destruction. So I'm guessing after this, Lorrain in the rest of the legal team pretty much had this case in the bag.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:00] They [00:21:00] did. And Fred Korematsu conviction was, as you know, overturned. But of course, the facts of the case remain and the facts are pretty depressing.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:21:15] It was really pretty amazing and sad. I mean, I think when. When my parents when many Japanese Americans who had been incarcerated learned of this evidence, it was great because we could reopen the cases. But it was heartbreaking to know not only that their incarceration had been wrong, but that there had been this massive coverup to lie to the Supreme Court to justify their incarceration.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:21:45] All right. We'll give it to me straight. At what point was Korematsu v. United States finally actually overturned?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:52] So this one's a little trickier. I want to introduce you to one more guest. This is Judge Wallace Tashima of the [00:22:00] U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. He is the third Asian-American and first Japanese American to be appointed to the U.S. Court of Appeals. He has had a long and illustrious career in law. He is also a former internee of the Post and War Relocation Center in southwestern Arizona, a story that we'll hear in our episode on internment. But as we were speaking about his experiences, I asked him to weigh in on Korematsu and whether or not it actually has been overruled. Because the truth is, it is not clear to me.

 

Judge Wallace Tashima: [00:22:33] You know, usually when a case report overrules one of its own cases, it only does it because it has to reach a different result. I mean, the primary example is the Brown vs. Board of Education member. Before that, the constitutional doctrine was the government could comply with the equal protection laws by having separate facilities. Brown versus Board of Education [00:23:00] overruled Plessy versus that the court had to overrule the other case or decide. That's not the kind of ruling that happened in way.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:13] That would be a 2018 case called Trump v. Hawaii, which challenged President Trump's executive order restricting travel to the U.S. by people of certain, notably predominantly Muslim nations. The Supreme Court reversed a Court of Appeals decision that this order likely violated the Immigration and Nationality Act and ruled that the president did, in fact, have the power to restrict that travel. Both the opinion and the dissent referenced Korematsu. Chief Justice Roberts wrote the opinion.

 

Judge Wallace Tashima: [00:23:44] Then he said the dissent referenced requirements affords the court the opportunity to make express what is already obvious. And then he quotes Justice Murphy. Korematsu is wrong. The day was decided has been overruled [00:24:00] by the court of history. And to be clear, it has no place in law under the Constitution. Well, that's all good, and I'm sure you know that. But it's not something that the court had to do in order to reach the result because in spite of, you know, Justice Sotomayor is dissent. The majority still said that, you know, this this proclamation by President Trump is constitutional, so it's really kind of odd, I'd say almost bizarre way case.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:24:36] So is that an overruling? Judge Tashima leans yes, but calls it a weird one. People may generally agree that, quote, being overruled in the court of history is being overruled. And again, legal scholars haven't really sunk their teeth into this one yet. Lorraine Bannai and Karen Korematsu being too strong outliers.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:24:58] First of all, he didn't say [00:25:00] he overruled it. So Justice Roberts, that has been overruled by the court of history, so he didn't overrule it. We don't even know what the court of history is, actually. But even when he said it's been overruled by the court of history, he didn't specify what he was overruling. Did he mean we can never incarcerate one hundred and twenty thousand persons on the basis of race again? But what's most important to those of us who are so disappointed in what he did was that it's really clear that he didn't overrule one of the most important things from Korematsu or several important things from form UTSU. One is the idea that courts should defer on issues of national security, that basically Korematsu was so dangerous because the Supreme Court said if and if the military wants to do this, if it's a matter of military necessity, the court doesn't have a role in in questioning that

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:25:59] When [00:26:00] when Chief Justice Roberts said that Korematsu was overruled in the court of history is dicta that's a legal term, meaning it was just a reference to the case. It did not. There was no overruling in support of the decision of Trump vs. Hawaii. So, yes, who knows what would happen. I mean, this is what my father was always afraid of, is somehow his case would be would be cited for for, you know, as a precedent in another legal case. And that and that still could happen.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:26:34] See, that is something that is particularly eerie to me about this case, like the famous relationship between Plessy v. Ferguson and Brown v. Board. You know, Brown versus Board of Education overruled Plessy v. Ferguson. But Korematsu has not been explicitly overruled in the same way. And essentially the mass incarceration of people in the U.S. without due process has not [00:27:00] been canceled in the books, even though pretty much everyone agrees that it's wrong.

 

Judge Wallace Tashima: [00:27:05] Well, I think it's important to study it, to understand how it came about. And I think to also understand that Korematsu, I'm sure at the time it was decided was a reflection of the great sentiment in the country, partly because America was at war with Japan. I think study it, one to assess, well, was it just, was it not just? If you conclude it was unjust then, you know, I think studying it is going to help you maintain your visual not to let something like that happen again to another group. That's the worry.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:45] Part of keeping that conversation alive, according to Lorraine Banai, is that it serves as a reminder of how easily this kind of thing can happen in America.

 

Lorraine Bannai: [00:27:55] That this isn't just a story about some some crazy people who [00:28:00] decided to be racist, incarcerate Japanese Americans. It's a story about an entire American public that left this happened. And to be able to learn from that, how easy it is for us to walk over that line if we're not paying attention.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:20] You know, ultimately, the lesson is really twofold for Karen. One element is this long arc of history that leads to racist actions that we have to understand.

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:28:31] What people don't realize is the intersectionality of of the the history of this country, the racism, the marginalization, the inhumanity. That's why history is so important. People think, well, why do you have to teach history or why do we have to have Asian Pacific Islander history or why do we have to have black history? Well, because we haven't learned the lessons of history, obviously.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:59] And [00:29:00] the other part of the lesson is, well, what her dad did.

 

Karen Korematsu: [00:29:05] Would like everyone to remember my father's words stand up for what is right and don't be afraid to speak up.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:25] If you're thinking that we barely scratched the surface of Japanese incarceration during World War Two in this episode, we agree and we have an addendum in the works. Check out the feed for more from Karen Korematsu, Lorraine Bannai and Judge Wallace Tashima. Civics 101 was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy, with Nick Capodice.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:29:45] Our staff includes Jackie Fulton, Mitch Scacchi and Erica Janik is our executive producer. Music in this episode by Alex Mason, Bio Unit Croawander, Hinterheim and Xylo Zico.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:57] You can learn a lot more about Fred Korematsu and [00:30:00] Japanese incarceration at our website, civics101podcast.org. While you're there, you'll find a link to densho.org, which I cannot recommend enough for learning more about the incarceration during World War Two.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:30:13] And remember, you can listen to any of our hundreds of episodes and how American democracy works on Apple podcast, Spotify or your podcast app of choice or our website civics101podcast.org.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:30:25] Civics 101 supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NhPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.

 



 
 

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Civil Rights: Plessy v Ferguson

Today in our series on civil rights Supreme Court cases, we examine the anticanon decision of Plessy v Ferguson. Steven Luxenberg, Kenneth Mack, Keith Plessy and Phoebe Ferguson walk us through the story of Homer Plessy, the Separate Car Act of 1890, an infamous opinion and a famous dissent.

 

Episode Resources

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Episode segments


Transcript

Plessy final all.mp3

Adia Samba Quee: [00:00:02] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:09] June 7th, 1892, New Orleans, Louisiana, a 30 year old Black man named Homer Plessy buys a ticket for the 415 train to Covington. The train arrives at the station on the corner of Press and Royal, and it is made up of cars for white passengers and cars for Black passengers, Plessy steps into the car for white passengers and takes a seat. The conductor asks Plessy his race. Plessy tells him. And then the conductor insists he has to move to the car for Black riders. Plessy refuses. And a detective who just happens to be there arrests Plessy and removes him from the car. These are the events that resulted in a landmark Supreme Court decision, an anticanon decision, one universally agreed upon as a mistake. A decision that I thought I knew about, but was dead wrong. You're listening to Civics 101, I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:17] I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice: [00:01:18] And today we're talking about an event that was not just an individual act of protest, an arrest that was anything but coincidental, and contrary to what I've learned beforehand, a decision that did not establish the separate but equal doctrine, Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:36] So far. Nick, you've talked a lot about what this case is not. Can we start with what it is?

Nick Capodice: [00:01:43] Yeah. In 1890, the state of Louisiana passed the Separate Car Act. This was one of the state's Jim Crow laws, anti-Black laws that enforced segregation. And this act required that trains have, "equal but separate accommodations" for Black and white passengers. But before we get started in this case, the history of separation goes way back.

Steven Luxenberg: [00:02:07] Separation, which is the word they used in the 19th century as a concept, was really born in the north on a railroad line that went from Boston to Salem, opened in 1838.

Nick Capodice: [00:02:19] This is Stephen Luxenberg, associate editor at The Washington Post and author of Separate the Story of Plessy v. Ferguson and America's Journey from Slavery to Segregation.

Steven Luxenberg: [00:02:28] And Throughout the North, before the Civil War, there were instances of separation on public transportation. There were people fighting against that, mostly from the abolitionist movement, the group of radicals that said that slavery should be abolished right now. Some of the precedents later cited in Plessy come from the north before the civil war, where courts ruled that separation was allowable. It was a reasonable rule by the railroad.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:56] So a separation which we later referred to as segregation, it came out of the North.

Nick Capodice: [00:03:02] It did. Steven told me that separation wasn't possible in states that were practicing enslavement.

Steven Luxenberg: [00:03:08] But there were always people fighting, resisting in the 19th century against slavery first, then against civil rights violations. Everything is new in this era. Everything is new. The famous Black journalist Ida B Wells, as a 20 year old, is refusing in 1882 to ride in the, quote, colored car. She's not got anybody behind her, she says. Twice she goes to the Tennessee Supreme Court. She loses kind of the deck is rigged against her she learns.

Nick Capodice: [00:03:40] Ida B. Wells is act of brave resistance was ten years before Homer Plessy got on that train in New Orleans. She was initially awarded five hundred dollars in damages, but the Tennessee state Supreme Court overturned it and she was forced to repay the money as well as court fees.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:55] Ok, so Ida B. Wells is one of the first to challenge these civil rights issues in the courts. And when Steve says everything is new, what does he mean?

Nick Capodice: [00:04:04] The nation was struggling to figure out how to make the reconstruction amendments, the newly passed 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments actually apply. And this happened when people like Wells put their bodies on the line. But while her protest was an individual action, Plessy's was not.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:24] OK. Right. And getting back to Homer Plessy on that day in 1890. What do we know about him? And who was Ferguson?

Keith Plessy: [00:04:31] Homer Plessy was a Creole African descent gentleman who was born on March the 17th. That was St. Patrick's Day. My name is Keith Plessy and I am a fourth generation descendant of Homer Plessy.

Phoebe Ferguson: [00:04:48] Judge Ferguson was not from New Orleans. He was not from Louisiana. Judge Ferguson was born on Martha's Vineyard. My name is Phoebe Ferguson and I am the great great granddaughter of Judge John Howard Ferguson.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:04] Keith and Phoebe head the Plessy and Ferguson Foundation. They visit schools and institutions across the country to share the story of the case and their message that mutual history can be a tool to create unity and understanding.

Keith Plessy: [00:05:17] It's no longer Plessy versus Ferguson is Plessy and Ferguson.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:24] Holmer Plessy's father died at a young age and his mother remarried a shoemaker named Victor Dupart. And Homer learned to be a shoemaker from a stepfather. But he also went with him to community meetings where he learned about civil rights activism.

Keith Plessy: [00:05:38] When the laws came out, he had already been an activist in the neighborhood, in the Treme neighborhood, where he was advocating to keep public schools open.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:46] Homer Plessy joined the Commite Citoyen in Louisiana, which I will refer to here on out as the Citizens Committee. Their full title actually is a bit longer. Steve Luxenberg found their original stationery.

Steven Luxenberg: [00:05:59] They needed a PR person to tell them to get a better name that was easier to say, but the stationery was the committee to challenge the constitutionality of the separate car act

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:11] The committee's sole purpose was to challenge this one law.

Nick Capodice: [00:06:16] Yeah, and they ran test cases, carefully orchestrated events to purposefully violate the law. And Plessy offered to be the second test.

Keith Plessy: [00:06:25] He looked like a white person. So that was one of the criteria of his volunteering for that protest. And when he approached the train depot, no one noticed him as a person of color, purchased that ticket without any dispute, boarded the first class train car that was designated for whites only and sat down and no one was disturbed by his presence. But when the conductor approached him and asked him, was he a colored man? He responded, yes. And he said you would have to move to the car for your race. And he refused. So the arresting officer stepped up and removed him from the train and made it look real good. It was it was orchestrated well, so they threw him off the train. Physically. They didn't make it look like it was a nice departure for him.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:15] Everybody was in on it?

Nick Capodice: [00:07:17] Everybody was in on it! The conductor's actions were rehearsed. The citizen's committee hired that detective to arrest him and write a report. Even the railroad company itself was involved and in support of it because for one thing, it was more expensive to have separate cars.

Keith Plessy: [00:07:30] In those days. If you were interrupting, which was probably one of the most prominent and busy depots, the Press Street wharf, he interrupted business that brought the cotton to be processed to the train depot that day. Normally a person that did something like that in those times would have been hung from a tree, might have never made it to jail, but he was safely whisked off to jail where he was booked, and then he was able to pay the fine after a night in jail to get out because the bail was set for him and the money was set, the budget was set to remove him.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:12] So Homer Plessy is arrested and released on bail. How does this case get to the Supreme Court?

Nick Capodice: [00:08:19] The first trial was Homer Plessy v. the State of Louisiana. And his lawyers argue that the separate train car act violated Homer Plessy's rights under the 13th and 14th Amendments. And the judge who heard the case, John Howard Ferguson.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:33] There's Ferguson.

Phoebe Ferguson: [00:08:35] They make a presentation. Judge Ferguson says says you've made a very good presentation. And I would like to think about that. We will rejoin in two weeks. And two weeks they come back to the court. Judge Ferguson says he's considered, however, he decides that Louisiana's law, our state, our state's rights and the state has the right to determine whether or not Black and white passengers can ride together. So he upholds the Louisiana state law.

Nick Capodice: [00:09:06] The citizens committee appealed it to the state Supreme Court, which upheld Ferguson's decision. And finally in 1896, they appealed it to the United States Supreme Court, which ruled in favor of Judge Ferguson.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:20] What was the vote?

Nick Capodice: [00:09:21] Seven to one, one judge abstained because he had a sick family member at the time. The opinion was written by Justice Henry Billings Brown, and the lone dissenter was Justice John Marshall Harlan.

Kenneth Mack: [00:09:33] John Marshall Harlan, the former slave owner, is the person who dissents and Plessy vs. Ferguson. And Henry Billings Brown, who's from Massachusetts. You know, the kind of cradle of abolition, who's going to Yale and Harvard Law School is the one who writes the majority opinion. So irony of ironies.

Nick Capodice: [00:09:52] This is Kenneth Mack. He's the inaugural Laurence D. Beale professor of law and affiliate professor of history at Harvard University. He walked me through Justice Brown's opinion.

Kenneth Mack: [00:10:04] You know, the basic claim of Plessy and his lawyers is that the statute is unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment because it's discriminatory against African-Americans. Brown has to figure out a bunch of things. First, he talks about political versus social equality. This is all over the rhetoric of white southerners, judges, lots of people after the civil war. They say that the 14th and 15th Amendments gave African-Americans civil and political equality, but they didn't give them social equality. And they say this all the time. What they really mean is that if we don't want to associate with Black people, we don't have to associate with Black people. We don't have to accept Black people into our houses. We don't have to be friends with Black people. The law can't make us do that. Well, the question is, well, is, is a statute that says that you have to sit in separate coaches by race. Is that about social equality? What's a piece of legislation that's not white people choosing not to be friends with Black people? That's a state law saying that Black people and white people can't sit in the same coach. So white southerners reason from the kind of social equality argument to the fact that they they can pass statutes mandating that people be separate by race within state sponsored institutions like schools or within private institutions like railroad cars. And they say that's the same thing as that. That's just social. The law is just about social equality. It's not about civil or political equality, which are the things that the 14th and 15th Amendments cover.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:50] Justice Brown is saying that this law is not about civil or political equality. It's about unenforceable social equality.

Nick Capodice: [00:12:01] Yes. And to further justify it, he points to a number of previous cases that said railroads could separate passengers. But there is a problem with that.

Kenneth Mack: [00:12:10] The problem is that almost all of those cases are before the civil war. So the question is, well, you know, did the 14th Amendment change that? And Brown just sort of blinks that. He doesn't acknowledge that the actually the 14th Amendment did something.

Nick Capodice: [00:12:26] Kenneth said it was an extremely narrow, extremely specific minute reading of the 14th Amendment, where he acknowledged, yes, the amendment was created to enforce equality, but that it, quote, could not have been intended to abolish distinction based upon color. And then we come to the lone, now famous dissent of Justice Harlan.

Kenneth Mack: [00:12:47] I mean, I think Harlan's making two or three points. One is that the 13th and 14th Amendment changed things, that they gave new constitutional rights that weren't there before and that they were supposed to change both the framework of citizenship and the racial order. You know, so before these were enacted, you know, you could use law, you could segregate, you could you can make white people superior, but 13th and 14th Amendment changed things. And the second thing he's saying is basically this is not neutral. Everybody knows why the statute was enacted. Everybody knows the symbolic import of this is to keep Black people out of railroad cars where white people ride because Black people are presumed to be inferior. He is saying, well, you can't use law to erect white supremacy. And he's saying that's what this statute does.

Nick Capodice: [00:13:46] I want to quickly add here, this was not Harlan's first dissent on this subject. He was the only dissent in what is called the civil rights cases of 1883, a decision that said that the federal government could not outlaw racial discrimination by private individuals. In 1906, he gave his family Bible to the Supreme Court. And since then, every single justice has signed their name within it. Justice David Souter said that signing his name in the Harlan Bible was, quote, the most humbling thing I have ever done in my entire life.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:18] Something that you mentioned earlier that I want to get straight is that you thought this was a case that cemented the separate but equal doctrine, but you learned that that's not necessarily true.

Nick Capodice: [00:14:30] Yeah, it is and it isn't true. This decision, in essence, yes. Prevented the constitutional challenges to racial segregation for over half a century. And the words separate but equal doctrine were on my Plessy v. Ferguson flashcards in school. But Steve Luxenberg corrected this for me.

Steven Luxenberg: [00:14:49] So I see a lot of the shorthand that my journalistic brethren use is the Supreme Court established the doctrine of separate but equal and made it the law of the land. And for Civics 101, let's talk about both parts of that sentence. What is a doctrine? We can give it a lot of synonyms: an order, an established set of rules. What you would expect if the Supreme Court had established a doctrine that there would be a clear doctrine in the majority opinion. But if you read the majority opinion, there's no doctrine. Now, did it have the effect of sanctioning a custom that had been going on? Yes, it had that effect. Did the Supreme Court make it the law of the land? It's the judicial branch. It's not the legislative branch. It can't make laws. You can say, Steve, you're parsing words here. Didn't it have the effect of being the law of the land? And the answer is no. It didn't really did not apply because it was a state legislature acting in Louisiana. Other state legislatures had to act to create laws that were similar. They they did in some cases, but not everywhere, not the law of the land.

Nick Capodice: [00:16:04] Steve says the blame for separate does not lie with this case.

Steven Luxenberg: [00:16:08] If we lay the blame on those nine justices of the Supreme Court, eight justices in this case of the Supreme Court, we are taking ourselves off of the hook. We have to own the doctrine of separate but equal, which began in the north in the 1830s. We have to accept that it was already the custom of the country. It's not the Supreme Court's fault. It is all of our faults.

Nick Capodice: [00:16:37] And to reinforce what Steve is saying here, the words separate but equal are nowhere in the decision.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:45] Nick, before we wrap up, you know, we always try to find modern reverberations of these Supreme Court opinions. And I know that the Plessy decision was overturned in 1954 in Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, the case that started the path to desegregation. But is there anything from Plessy that is still with us today?

Nick Capodice: [00:17:09] Kenneth Mack left me with this.

Kenneth Mack: [00:17:11] It's quite relevant today. The case was about how to think about laws or public policies that were alleged to be discriminatory against one race, in particular discriminatory against African-Americans who had historically been discriminated against, the court goes out of its way to say that the law was neutral, the segregation statute was neutral. Sometimes it looks as though we can find a nondiscriminatory neutral purpose. But to do that is simply to blink reality. So, for instance, um, you know, the recent Georgia voting statute.

archival: [00:18:00] Georgia Republican lawmakers have passed a law on a party line vote or overhauling the election rules in that state. They say the law will help protect against voter fraud. But Democrats and critics say the law disenfranchizes primarily people of color and the fraud claims have no basis, in fact...

Kenneth Mack: [00:18:19] Is this a neutral enactment or is this an enactment where if you look at the context, we all know who the act will fall most heavily on, and we can always articulate neutral reasons for these things. And in fact, that's the lesson of Plessy. That a bunch of very, very smart Supreme Court justices can articulate neutral reasons that the larger society could articulate neutral reasons and that it's necessary to dig a little deeper and to look at the context, the way that Harlan looked at it, to figure out what's really going on.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:19:09] I think one of the major things they take away from this story is that from Ida Wells to Homer Plessy to Claudette Colvin to the four students who sat down at a Woolworth's lunch counter in Greensboro. So much of the long civil rights movement involves acts of sacrifice, of people being told to move. And saying no.

Nick Capodice: [00:19:45] That is a picture wrap on Plessy v. Ferguson. We got more civil rights cases in the Supreme Court headed your way. So stay a while and listen. Today's episode was produced by me Nick Capodice with Hannah McCarthy. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton. And Erika Janik is our executive producer. Music in this episode by Yung Kartz, Scott Holmes, Ikimashu Oi and Chris Zabriskie. To hear about the other cases in this series or to hear any of our hundreds of episodes, follow us on Apple podcasts, Spotify or your podcast app o' Choice. You can also visit our Web site, civics101podcast.org. All of our new episodes have materials for educators teaching these subjects. And while we're here, why not be our friend on Twitter @civics101pod? Come on by. Say hello. Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
 

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This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Civil Rights: Dred Scott v Sandford

In 1846, Dred and Harriet Scott were living in St. Louis, Missouri with their two daughters. They were enslaved and launched a not uncommon petition: a lawsuit for their freedom. Eleven years later Chief Justice Roger B. Taney would issue an opinion on their case that not only refused their freedom but attempted to cement the fate of all Black individuals in the United States. Taney would ultimately fail and the Reconstruction Amendments would dash Taney’s opinion in Dred Scott v Sandford, but not before the case was forever cast as a Supreme Court decision gone wrong.

The Scotts’ great great granddaughter, Lynne Jackson, is joined by Chief Judge John R. Tunheim of the U.S. District Court of Minnesota to tell the story of the Scotts and their case.

Click here to download a Graphic Organizer for students to take notes on while listening to the episode.

 

Episode Resources

Lynne Jackson’s Dred Scott Heritage Foundation site offers regular updates on educational programs, efforts to promote the Dred Scott story and the community of descendants preserving their heritage. Please note! THIS is the active website. This is the archived website.

The Old Courthouse museum at Gateway Arch National Park in St. Louis, Missouri is a must-visit. This is also the site of the Dred and Harriet Scott statue that launched Lynne Jackson’s efforts to preserve the Scott story. They are currently undergoing renovations which will include a large exhibit devoted to Dred and Harriet Scott.

We talk about anticanon in this episode and give you a sense of how it’s generally interpreted, but this article by Jamal Greene is a remarkable argument for deeper interrogation of the anticanon cases and why we believe they’re wrong. If you’re a SCOTUS nerd consider this a must-read.

Street Law has created wonderful free case summaries on Scott v Sandford, click here for High School or Middle School

 

Episode Segments



 
 

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This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

There Ought to Be a Law!

Today we share our top five entries in this year’s Student Contest; There Ought to Be a Law. We asked students to submit a 1-2 minute audio or video clip telling us what there ought to be a law about, why this is a problem in their community, and how that law would fix that problem. We then asked NH State Senator David Watters to weigh in on their proposed legislation.


Transcript 

Nick Capodice: [00:00:06.29] You're listening to Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:08.54] I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:00:09.59] And Ring the bells and strike up the band. We are excited to announce the finalists for this year's student contest. There oughta be a law.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:17.96] Before we share the winning submissions, can you tell me how you settled on this topic? Having students submit proposed legislation?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:00:25.85] I got to admit, this idea came from a supporter of the show. Her name is DK Holland. She gave a TEDx talk entitled Kids Should Help Run Their Schools. She's a friend of the show. She heads the Inquiring Minds Institute in New York City. She is a relentless advocate for getting students civically engaged as early as humanly possible. DK wrote me that some of her students were confused about outdated laws and specifically racist and sexist laws that are still on the books in some states. And I thought, How about we have kids? Look into those and report back to us?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:59.91] So this contest was initially there ought not to be a law.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:03.96] Exactly. But it turned out to be a lot harder than I imagined to research outmoded local legislation. So we opted to have students tell us what new laws should be created instead. And my goodness, we got a lot of laws.

 

Student Montage: [00:01:22.05] If someone making minimum wage can't even make their rent. What about paying for food, medication, clothing?

 

Student Montage: [00:01:27.54] There is a gun shop that is only three miles away from one of our elementary schools.

 

Student Montage: [00:01:32.73] There ought to be a law about planting trees in every household.

 

Student Montage: [00:01:37.92] There ought to be a law about implementing civics education within all public schools.

 

Student Montage: [00:01:41.97] Solar panels can prevent $167 billion in health and environmental damages.

 

Student Montage: [00:01:46.95] Every person in the United States has to have a roof over their head.

 

Student Montage: [00:01:50.16] My law will fix this problem by implementing updated federal laws regarding privacy and ensuring that they are somewhat future proofed.

 

Student Montage: [00:01:55.83] The farmers should be nicer to cats.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:01.07] Today, what we're going to do is play our top five submissions and to see how they would hold up in the exhausting process of a bill becoming a law. I got a little outside help.

 

David Watters: [00:02:10.58] Any opportunity to deal with students. And they're so they're so smart and they're they're so right and they're so hopeful. And once once us old boomers get pushed out of the way, they're going to do a good job running the world.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:23.45] This is a man who has sponsored many pieces of legislation, New Hampshire State Senator David Watters. He's going to weigh in on our top choices and how he might approach these bills.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:34.49] All right. Let's get to it. What is our first law?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:37.40] Number one, Emily Chang.

 

Emily Chang: [00:02:41.27] Hello. My name is Emily. And I am from Sunnyvale, California. I believe that there ought to be a law that implements a mandatory life skills class lasting at least a year in all high schools across the country. Not being taught life skills in high school is a problem because students need to be prepared to properly take care of themselves in the real world outside an academic standpoint. This is especially important for high school students who are on the verge of adulthood and are taking on larger responsibilities. So here are a few examples of topics that could be covered during this class. First, a basic personal finance and budgeting topic so students will learn how to manage their money after graduation. Whether you're going to college, entering the workforce or anything, it is important to understand how to manage money in order to pay for food, shelter, tuition and other necessities. Additionally, a mental health topic would be wonderful to teach people about managing their day to day emotional levels and keep stress at bay. Of course, there are so many other potential topics, such as exploring occupations, resume building, cooking and even how to change a flat tire. Speaking from experience, this is very helpful when you're stranded on the road halfway home from a road trip and the only building near you in a five mile radius is a dilapidated Taco Bell. So having a basic life skills class will not only prepare students for their immediate future, but will also create healthy, long lasting habits for people to thrive.

 

David Watters: [00:04:08.94] What an interesting idea. And schools tend to go at this in different ways. Now, one thing that can be done, for example, is to say that all students might take career and technical education classes even if they're not concentrating in that area. So they could do some culinary arts, they could do some auto repair, they could do some technology, they could do some health care. So there are ways to do it. There's one thing to look at a YouTube video on changing a tire. It's another to be on the side of the road at 11 at night when it's raining and you can't find the jack parts.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:48.42] Proposed law number two. Annette Diaz.

 

Annette Diaz: [00:04:52.29] Hello. My name is Annette Diaz and I'm from Egg Harbor Township, New Jersey. There ought to be a law that ensures equitable access to education to low income minority students, because people like me have had to fight their way through doors that for other people, were already open. And I've had to teach ourselves how to fill out documents without the help of English speaking parents. I've had to put in double the work to prove to our schools that we are capable of doing more than what is stereotypically expected of us. We've never been on the same playing field as our fellow classmates. During my sophomore year, I overheard a student telling my guidance counselor about how he was the first person in his family planning to go to college. He didn't ask her for help in the application process. My counselor told him that she was not going to help him because that was something that he could figure out and that he was probably just being lazy. People often talk about how low income minority students usually perform below the level of the average student, but not enough people are talking about why this is and not enough people are doing something about it. Students like me don't just need simple solutions, like more funding. We need more counselors and administrators that not only help us, but that can actually understand us. We need more diverse curriculums and we need more access to resources that can help us walk an already rocky path. By doing this, we can hopefully close the education gap and inspire more students like me to go beyond the lines society has drawn for us.

 

David Watters: [00:06:19.21] Annette Diaz I mean, she's so right on not only about the experience that students go through and the resulting lack of opportunity and educational equity, but I think she also drives down to some of the actual practical things that you can do. When I see this, there are kind of two issues that arise. Is that what what can be done at the federal level? Because education is a responsibility of the states. And so I think at the federal level, it is quite possible to put funding which can then be provided to states for programs that they may set up. But it's very hard at the federal level to truly mandate down to the granular level what can be can be done. But I think certainly there could be funding here.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:05.74] Here we go. Law number three. Katherine Gage and Abby Stark.

 

Abby Stark: [00:07:09.58] Hi, I'm Abby Stark from Hooksett, New Hampshire.

 

Katherine Gage: [00:07:12.16] And I'm Katherine Gage from Windham, New Hampshire.

 

Abby Stark: [00:07:14.53] And there ought to be a law about climate change that comes in Fast and Furious, addresses it like nobody's business, while clean and sleek enough that it does not have too many side effects. This is a problem because, to quote Bill Nye, the planet is on bleeping fire.

 

Katherine Gage: [00:07:28.42] Well, yeah, all the weather is getting really messed up. So this march, Texas was buried in snow while at 75 degrees here in New Hampshire, which really wasn't what I signed up for living here.

 

Abby Stark: [00:07:36.91] Yeah, and can't we just pick up Texas in New Hampshire and flip their locations and everything will be all set right?

 

Katherine Gage: [00:07:42.61] I think a carbon fee and dividend is probably a better idea.

 

Abby Stark: [00:07:46.48] Yeah. All right. I forgot about that. Carbon fee and dividend is a great way to change to a clean energy market while also helping the people at the same time.

 

Katherine Gage: [00:07:54.76] Yeah, so here's how it works. So there's a fee on fossil fuels which increases every year making fossil fuels not profitable and transitioning us to clean energy. Second, all the money collected from the fee gets distributed to all American households equally to account for increased costs people are paying. And third, there's border adjustments on trade with other countries that don't have a similar carbon price. So this will encourage all other countries to price their carbon too, if they want to trade with us.

 

Abby Stark: [00:08:20.77] Yeah, and this would be great. It would reduce US greenhouse gas emissions by 40% in 12 years and 90% in 30 years, while encouraging similar policies in other countries through our trade. And second, help the poor with 96% coming out ahead financially and saving 295,000 lives in ten years.

 

Katherine Gage: [00:08:39.46] All right, let's get this carbon fee and dividend cooking.

 

Abby Stark: [00:08:42.64] Is that a climate change joke?

 

David Watters: [00:08:46.20] So. Carbon tax. Yeah. Yeah. Catherine Abby. I love the way they put it together. And I think that on this one, what was effective about their presentation is how do you make this seem reasonable, doable, and responsible when it is one that has become such a political flashpoint not only in the States but also nationally? We run into a variety of problems with it. One big one is that people focus only on the short term cost, that you're going to make something more expensive. They don't want to hear about the dividend. Other folks will say free market. Now, you know, the free market hasn't done a real great job on the climate crisis, has it? Right. As the free market that when a lot of government subsidies that created the climate crisis. So but that is another argument for folks who are the persuasion that government should not be intervening in these kinds of things. All that said, I think it's going to happen. You know, I mean, the carbon tax at the national level was a Republican idea in its origins.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:10:01.68] Law four Nestor Ilievski.

 

Nestor Ilievski: [00:10:04.92] Hello, my name is Nestor Ilievski. I'm 16 years old and I believe there ought to be a law about the problem of prison overcrowding. Prison overcrowding is a problem because it is one of the key contributing factors to poor prison conditions across the world, let alone America, as it causes problems such as lack of privacy, which can cause mental health issues and increase rates of violence. One such example of how prison overcrowding is a problem is in California. As California faced a serious issue with the prison population around 2010 to the point where it was a violation of the prisoners, Eighth Amendment right to protection against cruel and unusual punishments to have so many people confined in such a small space. As a result, California decided that their solution would be to release a significant portion of their prison population early, which did not solve the problem. After the prisoners release in 2011, crime rates spiked. I believe that there has to be a better solution to the problem, as there are many alternative measures, such as the decriminalization of lesser offenses like possession of marijuana and alternative punishments such as probation. But I don't think that they have a very good impact on the prison population. I believe that in order to fix this problem, a state should make a set amount of prisons that can account for their incarcerated population in order to make sure that overcrowding isn't an issue and there is space for every single prisoner.

 

David Watters: [00:11:50.81] What do you know, Nester Ilievski? I thought his articulation of this and of course, pointed to California. You know, in an interesting way, maybe just saying the overcrowding, if you if you, as he says, you know, define overcrowding and say, okay, you got to do something about it. The system is going to have to adjust. You're going to see parole reform. You're going to see drug sentencing reform. You're going to see more mental health. You're going to see diversion, you know, more mental health diversion courts. We've got veterans diversion courts, you know, drug diversion courts. This can be done. But there's got to be there's got to be a way to break this.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:50.51] And finally, our last nominee, Tzvia Ahmad.

 

Tzvia Ahmad: [00:15:54.05] Hello. My name is Tzvia Ahmad and there ought to be a law about menstrual equity. This is a problem because women are often put at a disadvantage during their period. For instance, high school students are often have to prioritize their health or their education. During these unpleasant times, and for some high school students who come from low income households or women in general who have low income jobs, have to prioritize putting food on the table or having a roof over their head during their periods as menstrual products are quite expensive. As an average menstrual spends about $6,000 on these products every year during their lifetime. So obviously that money can be a lot for some people. But for most people, like these women with low income jobs, that money can make a huge difference for them. And with that, these well, these women with low income jobs and from low income households have to use unhygienic substitutions along with women incarcerated in state prisons. They have to use rags, adult diapers, toilet paper and such to survive. And with that leads them to high rates of cervical cancer, bacterial infections like toxic shock syndrome, and even possibly death, especially for these women incarcerated who are put in unpleasant situations in prison, in state prisons and have lack of resources and poor quality conditions there already. Therefore, their their needs to be a menstrual equity law instilled in an American government system to ensure that these women and these few groups and more have the resources and access to get these products, especially since this country have the population consists of women, We need to shut out all of those women, not just women, who in these situations were women from all different backgrounds. We need to make sure that they have the access, they have the accessibility and all the safety protection under a law in American government to survive and overall be able to be happy with their own bodies during a natural bodily function during that time.

 

David Watters: [00:17:56.43] Oh, this is just so great. And and again, she's so right. And I mean, what I liked about this idea is the way it's expanded it beyond the kind of focused focus that there's been on the schools and said, no, we got to think about this much more, much more broadly.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:15.21] Did Senator Watters tell you which was his favorite?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:17.85] He said he was reluctant to pick one specifically because he loved them all. So then I asked a few of DK's students to weigh in on their favorites among the finalists.

 

Ed Zúñiga Velasco: [00:18:27.06] My name is Clara Flanders and I go to Brooklyn Technical High School in Brooklyn, New York. I think it was either making period products free or much cheaper than they are now. And I think this one struck me as a woman myself. So I understand like how often you need to get those products and how that kind of price can definitely add up over a long period of time. And I think when I was listening to it and just thinking about the fact that many of the people who are making laws currently are men, I think is very easy for them to overlook and maybe not think as very important or something that needs a lot of attention because it's not something that directly affects them.

 

Ed Zúñiga Velasco: [00:19:08.34] I'm Ed Zúñiga Velasco. I go to Art and Design High School. Well, about the prison overcrowding one definitely because prison what prisons do right now, like the function they serve, is very close to slavery in that prison. They're doing unpaid labor. Conditions aren't great.

 

Rachel Patashnik: [00:19:27.99] I'm Rachel Patashnik and I'm a junior at the High School of Art and Design. I liked the making Basic human life skill classes in schools might be an individual state kind of law change because school systems are different in each state. But in general, I really do think that it would be beneficial to the future if people were a little more prepared.

 

Lynn Watford: [00:19:55.70] I'm Lynn Watford and I go and I attend the School of 25th Grader. Some of the stuff I didn't really understand, but the second one I kind of agreed with the one of the most it was the one about equality for what was the word, um, low income, like people that just came and they extra help and all that and they can't get that stuff. It's kind of, it's really unfair.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:24.14] Let's not keep anyone in suspense any longer. Time to reveal this year's winner.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:20:29.09] The whole Civics 101 team listened to all the submissions and it was nearly impossible to pick a winner. But we chose Annette Diaz from Egg Harbor Township, New Jersey.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:40.46] Congratulations, Annette. A bag of civic swag is headed your way and we will put all of the top winners on our website, civics101podcast.org.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:20:49.39] And before we say goodbye, I asked Senator Waters what advice he'd give to all of you out there who submitted laws. And I beg you to listen to his words.

 

David Watters: [00:20:58.54] Demand change. Talk to your legislators. Call people like me and say I want you to introduce a bill on this. I don't know if students really understand the extraordinary impact they have when they show up and they can get things done. And you know what? If people don't get things that you that you want done, run for office, Maybe sometimes you don't change minds, you replace them. So I'm looking forward to seeing all these all these students in leadership in our in our in their home communities and in their states.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:21:38.59] That's a wrap on our student contest. Follow us on Spotify or Apple Podcasts or wherever you get your podcasts for our upcoming series on civil rights cases and the Supreme Court. Today's episode was produced by me, Nick Capodice with Johanna McCarthy. Thank you.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:52.51] Thank you. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton and Erika Janik is our executive producer.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:21:57.04] And we've got a fun biweekly newsletter. Transcripts of our episodes and a whole host of other things at our website, civics101podcast.org.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:22:05.56] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

 

 
 

Made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

The Chinese Exclusion Act

Between 1882 and 1965, a huge percentage of would-be Chinese immigrants were excluded from the United States. This is the story of how the U.S. came to exclude Chinese workers from immigration and Chinese immigrants from citizenship, the multi-generational reverberations of this practice and its extension to nearly all Asians and Pacific Islanders.

Jack Tchen of Rutgers University and Jane Hong of Occidental College are our guides to the Chinese Exclusion Act.

Click here to download a Graphic Organizer for students to take notes on while listening to the episode.

 

Episode Resources

Have two hours to deep dive into Chinese Exclusion? Check out this PBS American Experience episode.

We stuck to the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act in this episode for brevity’s sake, but there is much more to learn about the history of anti-Asian legislation. The Page Act of 1875 banned women brought to the U.S. for “immoral purposes” but was mostly utilized against Chinese women. The 1892 Geary Act extended and expanded the Exclusion Act, introduced an early form of restrictive border control and required all Chinese to carry documentation proving they’d entered the country legally with them at all times.

Be sure to listen to our episode on the Wong Kim Ark case for more context on the kind of legal injustice that Asian Americans encountered during this long period of American history. You should also get to know the case People v Hall which ruled that Chinese Americans (joining Native and African Americans in this categorization) could not testify against white Americans in court.

 

Episode segments

 

ChineseExclusionAct_FullFinal.mp3: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

ChineseExclusionAct_FullFinal.mp3: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the This transcript may contain errors.

Hannah McCarthy:
Civics 101 is

Jane Hong:
Supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Hannah McCarthy:
The first transcontinental railroad was constructed by two companies, one racing from the east and the other from the west. When they met in Promontory, Utah, in 1869, they drove a golden spike to connect the two lines, just like that travel and trade were transformed in the United States. And there's a pretty famous picture of this moment. It's got two locomotives face to face, the head engineers of each company shaking hands. You've got bottles of champagne, proud workers lining up to face the camera. It's a photo that shows a defining moment in American history. And this photo is a lie.

Nick Capodice:
A lie. Let me have it, Hannah.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Civics 101. The one I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick

Nick Capodice:
Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
And today we were talking about a piece of legislation and the history that surrounds it, a federal law, the first of its kind, that banned an entire group of people from entering the United States. Today, we're talking about the Chinese Exclusion Act.

Nick Capodice:
Which somehow has something to do with a photo of the transcontinental railroad.

Hannah McCarthy:
To me, this photo says so much about the attitudes towards Chinese immigrants in the United States because of the 15000 plus Chinese people who worked on the transcontinental railroad of the contingent of those workers who attended the Golden Spike Railroad finishing ceremony. Not a one of them appears in that photograph. Most of the rail workers in the West, as many as 90 percent were Chinese, but with a single photograph there scrubbed from that story. Just as the Exclusion Act attempted to scrub Chinese workers from the nation.

Jack Tchen:
Well, the 1882 Exclusion Act is a consequence of a series of attempts by especially Western politicians. But it's really a national political act to try to limit the numbers of Chinese arriving into the ports of the West Coast.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Jack Tchen, historian, author and chair of Public Histories and Humanities at Rutgers University.

Jack Tchen:
So the need to Exclusion Act is really a way to say, well, we have to restrict and manage the laborers who are coming in.

Nick Capodice:
So the group which was excluded from entering the U.S. in 1882, it's just Chinese laborers.

Hannah McCarthy:
Well, the language of the law says, quote, skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining. That meant that diplomats, teachers, students, merchants and anyone else who could prove that they were not laborers could attempt to enter the United States. To be clear, that's still excluded a huge number of potential immigrants from China. Mind you, this act comes after American industry had already taken full advantage of Chinese laborers. Large numbers of Chinese immigrants had poured into the U.S. in the mid 19th century, following bores and crop failures in China, especially with the discovery of gold in California. In 1848, hundreds of thousands of people came seeking mining, agriculture and eventually railroad work.

Jack Tchen:
All that labor was welcomed on one hand, and those who benefited, they made plenty of money and they were initially at least in favor of continuing to bring in that Chinese labor because they essentially were the contract laborers as opposed to enslaved laborers of the West Coast.

Hannah McCarthy:
Remember, the transcontinental railroad was completed in 1869. That is four years after the end of the civil war. It was during the rails construction that the United States passed the 13th Amendment and abolished the enslavement of human beings, creating a so-called labor problem. Meanwhile, you've got this influx of Chinese immigrants, mainly men in the West.

Jack Tchen:
So basically there's a new solution to the quote unquote, labor problem, which is really how to get the cheapest labor or the lowest cost labor that you can exploit and dehumanize the easiest. So that set of challenges really has people looking towards Asia as a solution, not just China, but also South Asia.

Hannah McCarthy:
Anti Chinese sentiment was already rampant in California at this point as the gold rush hit a fever pitch. White miners were quick to blame Chinese miners for the overcrowded field and competition and the scapegoating and bigotry and racism made the railroad industry reluctant to hire Chinese laborers. However, the job was dangerous, sometimes deadly, and white workers were hard to recruit. So the railroad hired Chinese laborers who they considered inferior by the thousands. They paid them far less than white workers and made them sleep in tents while the white workers slept on rail cars. But I have to say at this and every step of anti Chinese practice and legislation in the United States, Chinese immigrants protested and boycotted and went on strike. But that anti Chinese and eventually anti Asian sentiment persisted.

Nick Capodice:
So the U.S. went from exploiting Chinese laborers, relying heavily on them for the construction of this very American rail project to banning Chinese laborers once that work was completed.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, there's this notion in the U.S. that the influx of Chinese immigrants is threatening white purity. There's also an economic depression in the 1970s that white Americans partially blamed on Chinese immigrants. Basically, the message was low wages and bad economy are the fault of all of these Chinese laborers, this large group of others. This is a message that is wielded by politicians at the time. We needed Chinese laborers to help us build all of this necessary infrastructure. But now that we've finished most of that, they are still here. And that is seen as a problem.

Jack Tchen:
And you see these all on the political cartoons of the time in which these invaders are coming and destroying our moral fabric. Right. You have Chinatowns becoming places in which they're perceived to be dangerous places. OK, so opium is there. There are some opium dens there, but are opium dens all over? Whites are using the opium dens more than the Chinese are. OK, so so these things get flipped around. And what sticks is that? Oh, the Chinese are opium eating, rat eating, disease infested, and they're dangerous to the white family and to white morality.

Hannah McCarthy:
And when it comes to the Chinese, there's this other complication at play and that's the fact that Americans love Chinese imports. The U.S. had been engaged in trade with China, importing silk and tea and porcelain for nearly as long as we had been our own nation. That is one of the reasons we built the transcontinental railroad to begin with.

Nick Capodice:
That's interesting. So a railroad across the country was an easier way for East Coast merchants to get access to goods in China.

Jack Tchen:
And it's an obstacle, in fact, to the West Coast politicians who wanted to appeal to the xenophobia that they could easily stir up and as a way for them to get elected and reelected locally. But it was in conflict with those merchants from the Northeast, especially, who were making their money from the China trade and from the Asia trip. Right. So there's a conflict between the West Coast not wanting the people and the East Coast wanting the things.

Hannah McCarthy:
Jack describes America's perception and attitude toward China and the Chinese as both xenophobic, fearful and prejudiced against their culture or group and xenophilic, attracted to and appreciative of another culture or group, both of which in this case dismissed the humanity of Chinese people. The solution to this love-hate perception of the Chinese is to pass the Chinese Exclusion Act that keeps some Chinese immigrants. Laborers out while allowing others in

Jack Tchen:
Exceptions are Chinese merchants are OK. Chinese merchants are OK because that's where the East Coast folks are able to kind of say, well, no, but we want that stuff, we love that stuff. So you can't ban Chinese merchants. And the other thing they can't ban you can't ban Chinese scholars or teachers. OK, and you can't ban Chinese students. So those become the exempt clauses. Right. So there's a class and kind of class dynamic that are the ways in which it's not strictly exclusion, but it's restriction.

Nick Capodice:
Ok, so American politicians are using Chinese laborers as the scapegoat for an economic downturn and a threat to white Americans. I get that. But this is national legislation we're talking about. How on earth did enough Congress members from across the whole country agree to a law that really only applied to California and the Northeast?

Jane Hong:
The bottom line is the anti Chinese movement could not have become nationalized without the support of national politicians.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Jane Hong, history professor at Occidental College.

Jane Hong:
And so by the 70s and 80s, both political parties, Republicans and Democrats, they both adopt anti Chinese platforms as part of their national party platforms because both parties, they desperately want California's electoral votes and elections at this point are really razor thin. And so presidential elections in particular. And so that's why you have people like James Blaine, who's a senator from Maine, of all places, become one of the most vocal supporters of Chinese exclusion. Right. I don't even know if he had ever seen a Chinese person in real life before. But the issue itself, right, the anti Chinese kind of issue, it becomes an electoral strategy for national politicians.

Hannah McCarthy:
So I wanted to know what this actually meant for Chinese people living in the states, like what happens to others of a cultural or ethnic group when some of their members are banned from a country.

Jane Hong:
There's a lot of violence against the Chinese, particularly late 19th century. There are whole lists of kind of massacres and riots, race riots in places across the west in particular.

Hannah McCarthy:
Jane told me about one incident that occurred before the Chinese Exclusion Act, an 1871 mob attack on a Chinese neighborhood in Los Angeles that massacred 18 men and boys. It's one of the largest lynchings in American history. Just to give you a sense of the hateful attitude that had been percolating even before the passage of the 1882 Act.

Jane Hong:
I think that history is something that many historians have been writing about, but I don't think it's really entered the public conversation as much. I think that's true. I mean, in terms of segregation, schools were segregated for many Chinese and other Asian students on the West Coast. There's also residential segregation. So in terms of where Asian-Americans could live in places like California, they were really restricted. And for many years, things called restrictive covenants. Right. Which prohibit particular houses from being sold to nonwhite peoples. Those restrictive covenants, I mean, they're used to block African-Americans from buying homes. But many of those contracts also include mentions of either Orientals, Mongolians, Asiatics. Right. So there are all kinds of racial terms that were used to describe Asian-Americans. And so they were also targeted by many of those kind of housing restrictive housing policies. I think another piece in 13 states across the country, mostly in the West. You also have state legislatures pass alien land laws that make it really difficult for particularly Asian-Americans to own or even rent agricultural land.

Nick Capodice:
So what were people doing in response to these laws? Did they have any recourse whatsoever?

Jane Hong:
For

Jane Hong:
Chinese during this period? I think what's really important to remember and what people often kind of don't think about is that for many Chinese at the time, they believed the laws, the Chinese exclusion laws were immoral. And so they didn't have any compunction about trying to circumvent them or challenge or contest them in courts of law. So you have lots of Chinese who hire local lawyers in places like San Francisco. And there's a whole industry that emerges around this where Chinese are actually contesting. They're suing the US government for the right to enter the United States.

Hannah McCarthy:
One prime example of this is the case of United States versus Wong Kim Ark, a man of Chinese descent born in the United States who was denied reentry to the U.S. after visiting his family in China. And I won't go into it here, but we do have a whole episode on the Wong Komaki. So please give that a listen for context.

Jane Hong:
So there's all these cases that are happening at the same time that you have, you know, Chinese who. Develop ways to again circumvent the laws by claiming to be the son of a merchant.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is otherwise known as the paper son system, as in someone was claimed as a family member on paper to get them access to the United States. So there was resistance, to be sure. But that didn't stop the U.S. from doubling and tripling down on exclusion. What started with Chinese immigrants soon applied to many others.

Jane Hong:
When you trace the longer history of anti Asian racism and Asian exclusion, you know, Congress targets Chinese first, but they they eventually then target Japanese and Koreans. Then they target Indians or South Asians and then they target Filipinos. So it basically is the story of kind of the 80s to the 1920s is successive waves of Asian immigration. So after the Chinese are restricted, more Japanese enter as well as Koreans, and then there's a lot of clamor for them to be restricted. And then by 1917, South Asians are the ones who you know, people are talking about the tide of turbans that are entering the United States, the threat that they pose as well. Congress brings Indians under exclusion in 1917 and by 1920 for all Asians except Filipinos. Right. Become targets of exclusions. They basically can't immigrate in for long term immigration.

Hannah McCarthy:
The 1917 Immigration Act goes as far as to draw a circle around a huge chunk of Asia, call it the Asiatic barred zone, and prohibit immigration from nations that fell within that category.

Jane Hong:
You know, these are people from East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia. Many of them didn't see themselves as having anything in common on Indians and Chinese during this time, like they didn't necessarily see themselves as related. But according to the law, they were all considered Asiatic. And so, you know, in many ways what we consider Asian-American today, it's a category created by U.S. immigration exclusion laws in particular.

Hannah McCarthy:
And Jane clarified U.S. immigration and exclusion law created this catch all category to talk about Asian-Americans. But the terms used by the United States were words like Asiatic, Oriental and Mongolian.

Jane Hong:
And the legal term that in many ways operated as a catch all for Asian American groups was, quote, aliens ineligible to citizenship because there were they Asians were really distinct group. They were one of the the only kind of racial group in American history that was barred from U.S. citizenship for so long. So until fifty two. So those are the terms that people used before the 1960s in various different ways, the term Asian-American. So that actually has a different origin story. And that one's more rooted in the activism of Chinese, Japanese and other Asian-Americans in the 60s. It's like a political project. So it's so Asian-American doesn't have the same kind of negative connotations because I think it itself was a term of solidarity that was born out of activism and struggle.

Nick Capodice:
What did it take to finally take this kind of racist legislation down? Did some legislator finally figure out how to win support to repeal these acts?

Hannah McCarthy:
Well, much like the reason the Chinese exclusion and subsequent restrictive immigration acts passed in the first place, it was a political game to get them off the books.

Jane Hong:
U.S. interests in Asia are really the driver that begin to dismantle the Asian exclusion regime, because by the 1940s, like I said before, no Asian group, including Filipinos, nobody could enter the United States in meaningful numbers. But the U.S. and China were wartime allies, and the United States really wanted to keep China in the war fighting against Japan because the fear was China would abandon the allies and join the Japanese to fight against the West. That was one of the biggest fears in Washington Congress, which basically controls U.S. immigration and naturalization policy. Congress repeals the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943, and they give an immigration quota of 105 to China and they give Chinese eligibility to U.S. citizenship. And so it's meant to be a really symbolic it's kind of a token gesture. So it really was, you know, in many ways it was a wartime measure, but that opens the door for other Asian groups to make similar claims.

Hannah McCarthy:
I just want to pause here and emphasize we go from essentially zero Chinese immigrants to 105. But compare that to quotas in the tens of thousands for immigrants from most European nations, for example. Still, activists see the crack in the door and they use it to push for legislation. By 1946, Indians fight for similar provisions and they end up with a quota of 100 people per year and. Get eligibility for U.S. citizenship, Filipinos get eligibility that same year by 1952, Congress gives all Asian countries and colonies quotas of one to 200 per year and strikes down racial restrictions for citizenship. So all Asians become eligible for citizenship for the first time ever. But the real reason that Congress caves its 1952 war in the middle of the Cold War and communist countries are calling us out.

Jane Hong:
The U.S. wants to wants to prove that it's not racist. It wants to prove that it can uphold democracy, that it practices racial democracy, because during this time, the Soviet Union and other communist powers are specifically attacking the United States for its racial records. Right. For its racial hypocrisy. I'm talking about, you know, lynching the American foul segregation as well as racist immigration policies. So it's really the Cold War, right, that that leads to the formal repeal of Asian exclusion.

Hannah McCarthy:
Now, remember the story of formal exclusion. It starts in 1882. But even after that, 1952 formal repeal grants Asian immigrants the ability to gain citizenship. Immigration from Asian nations is still restricted to 105 immigrants per year. It isn't until 1965 that meaningful changes are made with the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act. Here's Jack Tchen again.

Jack Tchen:
Because of the effort to also deal with another international embarrassment of racism against blacks. Right. And racism in general. So it's too embarrassing. It's just all too embarrassing. So the way to do that is no. We we welcome people. You know, we're in the height of the Vietnam War. We're not racist. We're welcoming the world's people. So it's a different narrative that gets played out in terms of the slippage between foreign policy wars abroad for American interests and American purposes and our self-image.

Nick Capodice:
So Chinese weren't allowed into the U.S. in any significant numbers from 1882 until 1965, and that was lifted because we were embarrassed.

Jane Hong:
The '65 Act is a it's a perfect example of unintended consequences. And that's how most scholars talk about it, because Congress did not expect that the majority of people who took advantage of the 65 law would be people from Latin America and Asia. They did not expect that at all. And yet that's what happened beginning in the 1970s. The majority of immigrants coming to the U.S. have been from Latin America and Asia.

Nick Capodice:
I feel like the story of Asian exclusion is very much an illustration of how we got to where we are today and not just in terms of immigration to the United States, but also how we view and treat Asians and Asian-Americans in this country even today.

Hannah McCarthy:
And we have to say this episode is being released in April of 2021 and what we hope are the waning days of a global pandemic. And Asian Americans have felt the heat of scapegoating when it comes to covid-19, with top leaders referring to it with the slur, the, quote, China virus blaming one nation for the devastation caused by this illness. Reports of racially motivated harassment and violence against Asian-Americans are significantly up. And that's keeping in mind the fact that incidents of harassment and violence are thought to go grossly underreported. But this trend is not new. Blaming the problems of our nation on China and the people of Chinese descent, or who look Chinese relying heavily on China's imports while demonizing its people, conflating all Asian-Americans as a single group. This is simply the legacy of one hundred and fifty years of legislation that institutionalized anti Asian racism and white supremacy in the United States.

Jack Tchen:
So China has always been the kind of conjoined twin evil twin, the doppelganger twin root of all of this so that you can always blame the twin for any problems that you're having, any behavioral problems that you have. It's really not You. It's the twin. Right. So I think there is a kind of dynamic in American culture in China.

Hannah McCarthy:
Of course, there is another inheritance at play here, a century and a half of pushback from activists and scholars both inside and out of the communities being excluded.

Jane Hong:
I guess the hope is that by uncovering this history, which in many ways, I mean, there's a long history of nativism, but this is a more recent version of it. I guess the idea is by uncovering these networks, it'll make it easier to challenge and dismantle them. So we'll see what happens. But I have to believe about matters of that can do something.

Hannah McCarthy:
That's it today for Civics 101 and the Chinese Exclusion Act, but there is much more to say about Anti-Asian legislation and practice in the United States. We'll post some resources on our website, civics101podcast.org. This episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy, with Nick Capodice. Our staff includes Jackie Fulton. Erica Janik is our executive producer. Music in this episode by Crowander and Chris Zabriskie. Feel like you learned something today? There is so much more in the Civics 101 universe. You can follow us on Apple podcasts or wherever you get your podcasts so that you never miss an episode. Thanks for listening.

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Right to Privacy: Roe v Wade

Mention of Roe versus Wade can silence conversation or incite heated debate. Candidates campaign on protecting it and getting it overturned. Your opinion of the case can define your politics. Ever since its ruling in 1973, we have told a story about Roe v Wade. But what are the actual facts of the case and what of that infamous opinion still stands today?

Renee Cramer of Drake University and Mary Ziegler of Florida State University find the facts in the moral fable.

Click here to download a Graphic Organizer for students to take notes on while listening to the episode.

 

Episode Resources

The Bill of Rights Institute has a comprehensive (and quick) video overview and set of discussion questions to further help facilitate conversation about this controversial case.

 

Episode Segments

 

Transcript:

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:00] This is an episode about a case, a couple of cases that no longer carry the force of constitutional law. This episode was made when the essential holding of Roe v Wade still stood. This is no longer the case. It's a rare occurrence for the Supreme Court to overturn a decision outright, especially a landmark decision. But that is indeed what happened on Friday, June 24th, shortly after 10 a.m.. In a 6-3 vote to uphold a Mississippi abortion ban. In the case of Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization and a54 vote to overrule Roe v Wade in its entirety, the Supreme Court has eliminated a federal right to abortion. In the majority opinion, Justice Samuel Alito called Roe egregiously wrong from the start. The opinion holds that Roe and Casey must be overruled. Casey, by the way, refers to Planned Parenthood v Casey determined in 1992 which could have overruled Roe v Wade, but did not. The reasoning at the time being that row was practicable. The provisions of row depended upon by people in the United States, and that landmark precedent was important to preserve. 30 years later, a majority of the court determined that Roe and Casey must go, period. When we first released this episode in 2021, one of our guests, Rene Cramer, said something that I didn't include in the episode because it was a prediction, not yet a fact. Hey, Renee, you were right.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:01:29] And I've been predicting that Roe will fall for the last three years. I mean, on live television, I have said Roe will fall. The fact that it didn't astounds me. When Roe falls, access to reproductive health care of almost all kinds will depend on where you live.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:46] Listen to this episode to get an understanding of what Roe V Wade was, what Casey was, and why they happened in the first place. But no, the decisions about abortion access are now the providence of your state. Here we go.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:01] Every year, around 7000 cases try to beg their way onto the Supreme Court's docket and only about a hundred, you know, maybe 150 of them make it. And while all of them are significant, the majority pass by without a ton of scrutiny. There is one case in particular, though, that for some was pure scandal, a ruling so controversial that to this day, advocates work tirelessly to preserve or overturn it.

 

Archival: [00:02:34] To raise the dignity of woman and give her freedom of choice in this area is an extraordinary event and I think this January 22nd, 1973, will be an historic day.

 

Archival: [00:02:49] In this instance, the Supreme Court has withdrawn protection for the human rights of unborn children. And it is...

 

Archival: [00:02:56]  What is the most important human right? The right to life, the right to life, the right to life.

 

Archival: [00:03:01] That a fetus is not a person. Yes, it is. Ok, that's where the disagreement is.If women could keep themselves from getting pregnant when they didn't want to. I tell you what it is, it's chastity. Hey bagpipes, shut up. When does it become a child to you?It's my body. I would have to carry the child.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:21] This is Civics 101, I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:25] I'm Nick Capodice,

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:26] And today we're taking on a case that these days shows up in every Senate hearing for a new nominee to the Supreme Court

 

Archival: [00:03:34] The case that every nominee gets asked about. Roe v. Wade. Can you tell me whether Roe was decided correctly? At protests and during elections? If Roe v. Wade is Overturned, what would you want Indiana to do? Would you want your home state to ban all abortions? You have two minutes.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:53] A case that fueled the fire of two movements that draw a line in the reproductive sand, Roe vs. Wade.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:04:01] I will start by saying that probably anything you think you know about Roe is wrong.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:06] This is Renee Cramer, law professor at Drake University.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:10] Well, hang on. Hang on. This has got to be one of the most famous cases the Supreme Court ever ruled on. And Renee saying we don't actually know it. I mean, Roe v. Wade is the case that legalized abortion, right?

 

Renee Cramer: [00:04:24] No, actually, it simply said that Texas couldn't criminalize abortion in the first trimester.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:31] As it turns out, before you can start learning Roe v. Wade, you first have to unlearn Roe v. Wade.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:04:39] And one of the first things that we have to unlearn about Roe is that states weren't outlawing abortion because of religious or moral views. The church was actually not a big player. The Roman Catholic Church or the evangelical church was not a big player in abortion politics until after ROE. State laws limiting access to abortion were passed because doctors wanted to decide which women could access them. So most states began with laws like if your health is in peril, your doctor can facilitate an abortion. And doctors had a really liberal view of what that meant.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:18] The main factor in providing an abortion was the health of the mother. So if a woman was going to die if she carried to term, she could, of course, abort. But the same went for mental health risk, like postpartum depression or not having enough money to support a family or being at risk of losing your job if you were pregnant.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:05:37] Ok, so Roe v. Wade is not about legalizing unrestricted abortion. And anti-abortion laws were not necessarily based on pro-life ideas, pro-life being the term anti-abortion activists use for their movement.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:52] Yeah, and one more thing. Roe v. Wade did not result in the plaintiff, Jane Roe, [00:04:00] real name, Norma Jean McCorvey, getting an abortion. She ended up carrying the child to term and giving the child up for adoption. While we're on the subject of Norma Jean McCorvey, McCorvey later went on to speak out against abortion and call her involvement in Roe v. Wade the biggest mistake Of her life.

 

Archival: [00:06:18] Norma McCorvey: I've done a lot against his teachings, but I think the far greater sin that I did was to be the plaintiff in Roe vs. Wade.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:25] Ok, that I have heard Norma McCorvey became a major anti-abortion activist.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:30] She did

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:31] Indeed. Which makes this interview clip all the more complicated.

 

Archival: [00:06:35] Nick Sweeney: [00:04:37] Do you think they would say that you used them? Norma McCorvey: Well, I think it was a mutual thing. You know, I took their money and they put me out in front of the cameras and told me what to say. Norma McCorvey: And that's why I said that.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:47] Is Norma McCorvey telling director Nick Sweeney that essentially she was putting on an act in exchange for money from pro-life groups. She also says in this interview that if a young woman [00:05:00] wants to have an abortion, that is her choice. McCorvey passed away in 2017. So unfortunately, we cannot ask her about any of that. But there you go. This documentary, by the way, came out in 20/20. It's called A.K.A. Jane Roe. And the one last thing I will say about unlearning Roe v. Wade when we talk about Roe, we're actually talking about Roe and a case called Planned Parenthood v. Casey.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:28] Another case.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:30]  Yep. In 1992, Planned Parenthood v. Casey nearly resulted in Roe being overturned. It was not overturned, but it was changed drastically enough for Chief Justice William Rehnquist to write the following, quote, Roe continues to exist, but only in the way a storefront on a Western movie set exists, a mere facade to give the illusion of reality. And we will come back to that later. [00:06:00]

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:59] Wow, Hannah, now you've told me what this case is not. Can we talk about what it is?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:04] Yes. Back to Jane Roe.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:08:06] So this was a very troubled woman for most of her life, both before and after the case. What brought the case to be was that she was an unmarried woman who this was her third pregnancy and she did not want to remain pregnant. She wanted to have an abortion in the state of Texas, abortion was outlawed unless to save the life of the mother or the mother was raped or a victim of incest. So at no time could a woman simply access abortion. She had to be have her life at risk or have the pregnancy to be the result of a crime. So she lied and said that she had been raped. And that makes this problematic for a whole host of reasons, but not problematic legally.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:08:49] So she eventually, after trying to get an abortion illegally, found her way to two attorneys, Linda Coffee and Sarah Weddington.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:56] This is Mary Ziegler, law professor at Florida State University College of Law. And author of a number of books about abortion law and Roe v. Wade,

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:04] She eventually gave birth anyway before the case was decided and the child went up for adoption, but the case continued. So Coffee and Weddington filed suit in a district court in Texas on Makarevich behalf, and they used an alias, Jane Roe.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:21] The purpose of an alias, by the way, is to protect the identity of the plaintiff, sort of similar to using TALOS initials and New Jersey Vitiello because she was a minor at the time. Even though we later found out Roe's identity, you can imagine why Coffee and Weddington might have initially wanted to protect their client's privacy.

 

Archival: [00:09:40]  But when She came Forward, Norma McCorvey became the emblem of the movement.So she's here today coming out of hiding for this. And we appreciate her courage, darling.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:50] Anyway, the case goes to a Texas district court and here is the kicker in that district court, [00:08:00] a three judge panel found the law that prevented Norma McCorvey from pursuing an abortion to be invalid. But District Attorney Henry Wade was not so happy about that. He appealed the case to the Supreme Court. And by the way, the court almost did not take it. Here's Renee again.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:10:20] Some of the people on the court said, well, we shouldn't hear this case. There's a rule that the court cannot hear MOUT cases. A moot case is one that doesn't matter anymore. And you could look at Norma McCorvey or Jane Roe and say, well, she's not pregnant anymore. She doesn't need access to an abortion. And the court does that sometimes when it wants to avoid an issue like affirmative action, some of the first affirmative action cases, they'd say, well, he already got his degree. We don't need to we don't need to trouble with this. But they looked at Jane Roe and the state of Texas and they said, you know, any woman in Texas who's pregnant and doesn't want to be is going to have this problem. They defined her as part of [00:09:00] a class, a class of people, meaning any woman who could become pregnant, who didn't want to be pregnant. And they said we have to decide this on their behalf, using the facts of her case as the starting point.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:12] So the court takes the case.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:15] We'll hear arguments number 18 Roe against Wade.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:18] You've got attorney Jay Floyd arguing in defense of the Texas abortion restrictions and attorneys Linda Coffee and Sarah Weddington representing Roe and Floyd. Oh, Boy Floyd arguing a case that will ultimately decide whether a woman has a right to choose to have an abortion. Arguing opposite to accomplished female lawyers starts his argument like so,

 

Archival: [00:11:44] Mr. Chief Justice, may it please the court. It's an old joke, but when a man argues against two beautiful ladies like this they're going to have the last word.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:11:57]  Oh, that's just - that really happened?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:00]  Yeah, that really happened. It's been called the worst joke ever made in legal history.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:05] That's ridiculous. And I'm not really hearing a chuckle from the bench.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:10] No. Apparently, Chief Justice Warren Burger looked like he was going to come at Floyd for that one. So Weddington and Coffee argue along Ninth Amendment unenumerated rights. That's the amendment that says that just because a right isn't listed in the Bill of Rights doesn't mean that you don't have it. They also went for Fourteenth Amendment Rights to Liberty and cite the due process and equal protection clause of the Constitution.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:34] What's the argument of Mr. Live at the Improv Jay Floyd?

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:12:38] The state of Texas had two arguments, essentially saying even if there is an abortion right, these laws should still be unconstitutional. The first was that a fetus or unborn child was a person. So if a fetus or unborn child is a person within the meaning of the Constitution, that person would have, for example, a right to due process of law and to equal protection of the law, which would make abortion rights kind of a legal impossibility. Texas, the second argument was that the government had a compelling interest in protecting life from the moment of conception.

 

Archival: [00:13:16] Thank you, Mrs. Weddington. Thank you. We're going the case is submitted.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:20] So that is the first time this case is argued before the court.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:13:26] First time -- the court heard Roe v. Wade more than once?

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:13:38] So, I mean, one of the things that's worth noting, right, is that the court gets ROE in 1970 and there is no decision in Roe until 1973, which is really unusual. Right. I mean, the Supreme Court has slowed, but not three years kind of slow.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:13:59] Three years. What happened?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:02] Well, it's 1970 and the court says, OK, we will hear Roe and oral arguments happen. And the justices are [00:12:00] discussing getting ready to make a ruling. And Justice Harry Blackmun proposed an opinion that will say Texas law is unconstitutionally vague because it's unclear when an abortion would be necessary to protect a woman's life and you shouldn't be able to punish doctors. And his liberal colleagues are like, you know what, Harry? That really doesn't go far enough. So they reschedule the case for reargument. And by the way, Texas Assistant Attorney General Robert Flowers replaces Floyd in that second round.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:14:42] And then Blackmun famously spent some time over that summer researching the history of the abortion at the Mayo Clinic in Minnesota, where he was from. And so Roe very much is kind of steeped in Blackmun's sense of the medical history of abortion and what the medical profession thought about abortion.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:02] Was Harry Blackmun a doctor and a former life or something?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:05] Not even a little bit. The Mayo Clinic was a former client of [00:13:00] his, but Blackmun's research and eventually his opinion did focus on something that we still talk about today when it comes to the length of a pregnancy trimesters.

 

Archival: [00:15:20] How did this line of discussion start to evolve in your mind?

 

Archival: [00:15:25] Harry Blackmun:  Well, by really doing a lot of reading that summer and literally getting into the the history of abortion and the the attitude of organizations to it. And again, all that set forth in the opinion. I found it fascinating.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:15:41] And he's very interested in educating the public about the different stages of pregnancy. And our understanding of pregnancy has changed somewhat since 1973. But for the most part, we still think of pregnancy in this way we have trimesters. So the court is saying, well, what we understand is women are pregnant for three trimesters for nine months, which is really 40 weeks, which [00:14:00] is really ten months. And we know that the fetus is viable after a certain point in its development and by viable, they mean could live unassisted outside of the mother, could be born. Prematurely and survive at the time they put fetal viability at the third trimester, mark, so those last three months of pregnancy.

 

Archival: [00:16:33] Harry Blackmun: We came up With what it was and didn't know what the trimester system. And that seemed to have an appeal, and that was it.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:16:42] And what the court said was, gosh, in those last three months, the state might well have a compelling interest in regulating and limiting women's access to abortion. We have the sense that the fetus has developed almost to the point of autonomy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:16:56] So Justice Blackmun is the first one who introduces us to this notion of a trimester question when it comes to abortion and Roe v. Wade.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:05] And that is a huge element to the decision in this case, which, in case we've forgotten, hinges on this Texas state law that prohibits abortion. And the court ultimately has to decide whether that law is constitutional. Remember, Texas is arguing in part that the fetus is a person, so they have to address that.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:17:25]  So the court in Roe said, no, there is no fetal personhood because when the Constitution uses the word person, it applies pretty much only post-natal there. The court sort of canvased one of China's leading religious and medical authorities and essentially said there's no agreement on when life begins. And so if there is no agreement, neither the Supreme Court nor the state of Texas can impose one view on everybody else.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:54] The court says yes, agreeing with Weddington and coffee. The due process clause argument applies here. A woman has a right to privacy and choosing an abortion falls within that. Right. And also, yes, the state does have interest in protecting both the mother and the potentiality of life, but that varies from trimester to trimester. You cannot criminalize abortion during the first trimester, but things get more complicated during the second and third.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:18:28] Essentially, Blackmun's sets out what is his ambition for the case, which is to try to sort of stay above the political fray and to resolve the questions in a way that feels less sort of more dispassionate. Right. I think that was his ambition. And, of course, that reads kind of tragically, I think, to people who have been following it since then, because, of course, Roe became kind of the central point of contestation. It hardly diffused the debate. It probably escalated it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:19:01] Today we think about the abortion debate as pro-life versus pro-choice, Republican versus Democrat, conservative versus liberal, Christian versus non Christian. And the debate certainly existed prior to Roe v. Wade. But this political divide prior to the 1970s, Democrats voted against abortion about as often as Republicans after Roe v. Wade. The Catholic Church, for example, got louder about abortion. So the people who wanted access to abortion also had to get louder. Republican Richard Nixon looks at all of these loud anti-abortion Catholics and social conservatives and thinks I should appeal to them. We should be the pro family party. But even then, the Supreme Court was not a top of mind. Anti-abortion advocates wanted a constitutional amendment.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:20:00] It is really hard to amend the Constitution. So eventually that strategy becomes off limits and the anti-abortion movement is sort of looking into how [00:18:00] they can kind of justify their movement going forward. And the answer that the anti-abortion movement came up with was that the point was to change the Supreme Court and see to it that Roe was overturned.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:22] In 1980, Ronald Reagan actually campaigned on appointing anti-abortion justices. Meanwhile, Blackmun's trimester fetal viability principle, the thing that he thought would put a pin in the abortion question, becomes essential to the post Roe v. Wade legal battles.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:20:40] This part of Roe is where we've had the last 40 years of litigation. How does the state have a legitimate interest in the life of the fetus in those middle months, in the time that it is developing towards viability? Or does it have a legitimate interest, a less legitimate interest in the fetus and a greater interest in the health and welfare of the mother? You will notice all of these constructions pit the woman against the fetus as though they are rivals. This is not how this is not how it had to be. This is a story law has told about women's bodies and reproduction, that when a woman is pregnant and wants an abortion, it's pitting a fetus against a woman. And when the fetus is really small, the woman wins and when the fetus is really big, the fetus wins or the state, that that's a completely constructed way of understanding abortion, health care, pregnancy, and it's outdated. So the question becomes, as we get better technology and the fetus is viable earlier, does that increase the state's interest?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:44] Speaking of fetal viability, I told you at the beginning of this episode that when we talk about Roe v. Wade, we're talking about Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey because Planned Parenthood v. Casey, it got rid of Blackmun's trimester rule.

 

Archival: [00:22:03] Interviewer: What are the facts of this case and how does it relate to Roe v. Wade?

 

[00:22:06] Kathryn Kolbert: Well, the case is a direct challenge to Roe versus Wade. The law at issue is a Pennsylvania law that was passed in both nineteen eighty eight and again amended in nineteen eighty nine, which enact a series of roadblocks in the path of women obtaining abortions. The reason that it presents a direct challenge to Roe is these same restrictions were struck down as unconstitutional back in nineteen eighty six by the Supreme Court under Roe versus Wade. And so for the court to address whether or not they are now constitutional, that court must revisit the question and determine what are the appropriate standards to judge abortion laws.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:22:47]  The court declined to overturn Roe, but got rid of the trimester framework and instead adopted what it called the undue burden test. So now, if you want to know if an abortion regulation is constitutional, the question is whether it has the purpose or effect of creating a substantial obstacle for someone seeking abortion. And that, of course, is notoriously vague. [00:21:00] And within the court and outside of the court, people have been fighting about exactly what it means ever since. But when you're really thinking about the fate of Roe going forward with this six current conservative, six justice majority, what you're really talking about is the fate of Roe and Casey, because Roe in the law has already been changed in pretty fundamental ways.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:34] What this means practically, is that a state now can limit access to abortion in the first trimester. Justice Harry Blackman was still on the court at this time, and this is what he said in his dissent, that, quote, The ROE framework is far more administrative and far less manipulable than the undue burden standard adopted by the joint opinion.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:24:00] You know, Hannah, you told us that in order to learn Roe v. [00:22:00] Wade, you have to unlearn Roe v. Wade and boy, have I done just that. But at the same time, the things we associate with Roe v. Wade, all of the debate and legislation and court cases that followed, this is what we did with Roe v. Wade that represents what we still think of Roe. There's the court case, Roe v. Wade,

 

Archival: [00:24:32] Jane Roe, an unmarried pregnant Girl.There's Harry Blackmun in his research.

 

Archival: [00:24:37] Harry Blackmun: I put a lot of myself into that opinion.

 

Archival: [00:24:39] here's no McCorvey in her contradictions. It was all an act.

 

Archival: [00:24:42] Norma McCorvey: Yeah.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:24:43] Nick Capodice: [00:22:34] There's Planned Parenthood v. Casey.

 

[00:24:45] Interviewer: [00:22:35] It was initiated by --

 

[00:24:47] Kathryn Kolbert: [00:22:37] That's right --

 

[00:24:48] Interviewer: [00:22:38] Planned Parenthood.

 

[00:24:50] Kathryn Kolbert: [00:22:39] Whenever...

 

Nick Capodice: [00:24:51] And then there is the political and social division that Roe is synonymous with. Even today.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:24:59] Roe has become this incredibly powerful cultural symbol, much bigger than what the Supreme Court itself ever said, a kind of window into how we see lots of things, everything [00:23:00] from gender to the role of the courts in our democracy. And it's changed lots of things about our politics. Right. The kind of the role of the Supreme Court, the view that the Supreme Court is probably the major election issue, how social movements proceed when using tactics. And so I think if you're studying Roe, you're not just studying Roe. You're studying lots of things about the functioning of American democracy and kind of the nature of social change.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:25:40] I've got one last question, and I think it will help me understand what Roe actually did, how it impacts life today, because there is an enormous push to overturn it. And anti-abortion activists are optimistic that the current makeup of the Supreme Court, which is majority conservative, could mean that the decision is overturned at some point. So what would that actually do?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:26:03] All right. This is a two parter because Roe does maintain, despite Planned Parenthood [00:24:00] v. Casey, that a woman has a right to choose an abortion in certain cases. So what would an overturn mean in terms of health care? Here's Renee again.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:26:20] Access to reproductive health care of almost all kinds will depend on where you live. So it will be state by state women who live in California, who live in New York. They will have great access to abortion if they want it. They will have great access to prenatal care. Women who live in impoverished areas, rural areas, more conservative areas. Not only will they not have access to abortion, they also and this is documented, really well documented, that in jurisdictions with limited access to birth control, we actually see worse maternal health outcomes and that those maternal health outcomes are desperately bad for women of color. So when a state legislates against abortion, it's not as though it legislates in favor of babies and maternal health. It just gets rid of access to Planned Parenthood. And Planned Parenthood is where women get their birth control, their prenatal care, their post-natal care, their STD testing, their mammograms. So in states where Planned Parenthood is forced out, we actually have worse rates of women's health in general and no fewer abortions, just fewer safe abortions.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:27] So if Roe goes away, the decision about whether a woman can get an abortion in any circumstance goes to the states, which is actually an important point because of what it means for people who wish to see Roe overturned. Here's Mary with the second part of the answer to your question.

 

Mary Ziegler: [00:27:44] Even though I think Roe is an object lesson in the limits of the power of the Supreme Court, Harry Blackmun had planned and expected settles the abortion conflict with this opinion, which, of course, looks laughable almost 50 years later. The irony is that abortion opponents seem to believe the same thing Harry Blackmun did almost 50 years ago. Right, that if they have the perfect Supreme Court decision going the other way, that that [00:26:00] will settle the abortion debate only in their favor. And they're just as likely to be wrong as Blackmun was.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:14] Roe v. Wade is remembered as this sweeping landmark decision that gave a woman the green light to have an abortion if she so chooses. But when you look right at it, it's actually a case about privacy, fetal viability and state interests. It's a case with limitations, a case that some would say has lost its teeth already. Still, what we believe about Roe v. Wade is just as important as what it actually says. The mythos and misperception of the case is in large part the reason it stands as one of the most controversial rulings in history.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:15] This episode was produced by me and Hannah McCarthy with Nick Capodice. Erika Janik is our executive producer and our staff includes Jackie Fulton.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:29:27] If you like this episode and you learn something, I sure did and you want more, make sure you follow us on Twitter @Civics101pod and wherever you get your podcasts so you never miss an episode.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:40] Music. In this episode by Bio Unit, Ketsa, Metre, The Young Philosopher's Club and Xylo Ziko.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:29:47]  Civics 101 supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.

 


 
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Right to Privacy: New Jersey v T.L.O.

Today we travel to the spring of 1980, where the presidential campaigns of Reagan and Carter take a back seat to an act of disobedience committed by a 14-year-old girl in Piscataway, New Jersey. The highest court in the land has to decide, how are your 4th Amendment protections different when you happen to be a student?

This episode features the voices of Professor Tracey Maclin from Boston University School of Law and Professor Sarah Seo from Columbia Law School.

Click here to download a Graphic Organizer for students to take notes on while listening to the episode.

 

Episode Resources

Search Me from the American Bar Association: Line students up and ask them to step forward or backward depending on whether they think a hypothetical search/seizure is lawful or not.

 

Episode Segments


TLO full.mp3: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

TLO full.mp3: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the best speech-to-text algorithms. This transcript may contain errors.

Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Nick Capodice:
Did you did you ever get in trouble at school for anything?

Hannah McCarthy:
Exactly One incident it's not worth...

Nick Capodice:
Just tell me what it was.

Hannah McCarthy:
I knew a girl had the wrong answer. It was like an outloud test. I indicated to her that she had the wrong answer. And the teacher said that Hannah McCarthy ruined the day for everybody.

Nick Capodice:
Oh, my God.

Hannah McCarthy:
I think I was in second grade.

Nick Capodice:
I hacked into...I knew how to use DOS, so I hacked in to find out the teacher passwords for the kids grades.

Hannah McCarthy:
I can't believe you did that

Nick Capodice:
Yeah. I feel terrible about it.

Nick Capodice:
Every episode we work on gives me another reason to fall in love with Supreme Court cases. And today it's that a relatively minor offense can rise through the court system to achieve the stature of landmark decision. And the story of this case starts in spring 1980.

Nick Capodice:
Empire Strikes Back is about to hit theaters, Queen is at the top of the charts with crazy little thing called love. Former Governor Ronald Reagan is campaigning against Jimmy Carter using the fresh new slogan,

"Ronald Reagan for President, Let's make America great again."

Nick Capodice:
And in Piscataway, New Jersey, 14 year old girl broke a school rule and started her journey to the highest court in the land.

Hannah McCarthy:
She broke school rule and ended up in the Supreme Court. What was she doing?

Nick Capodice:
Oh, I'll tell you, Hannah.

Nick Capodice:
You're listening to Civics 101, I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice:
And we are looking at another Supreme Court case dealing with our right to privacy. Today, The case that defines your Fourth Amendment protections as a student, New Jersey v TLO, 1985.

Hannah McCarthy:
First, I have to ask you about the name of this case. Who is TLO?

Nick Capodice:
TLO is the respondent in this case. She was a minor at the time, so the court just used her initials. She was a freshman at Piscataway High School in New Jersey.

Tracey Maclin:
She was caught smoking in the girls room. Remember Barnsville? What is it, that song, Smoking in the Boys room?

Nick Capodice:
This is Tracey Maclin. He's a professor at Boston University School of Law. And when I called him, neither of us could remember the name of the band. It was a Brownsville Station, by the way, later covered by Motley Crue, and the song, I sure do know, smoking in the boys room.

Nick Capodice:
And I bring this up because I have to point out that smoking was allowed at this school at the time, just not in the bathroom. This is important later. But TLO and another girl smoked in the bathroom just the same.

Hannah McCarthy:
And they got caught.

Nick Capodice:
They were they were caught by a teacher and they were marched to the office of Assistant Vice Principal Choplick.

Tracey Maclin:
And he asked her whether she had been smoking and she denied it. And she said she never even, she didn't even smoke. And so at that point, he he grabbed her purse. Opened it up and saw a package of cigarettes.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right, stop. This is the moment where I can see the Fourth Amendment getting involved. That's the amendment that protects us against unreasonable search and seizure. Did the assistant vice principal have the authority to search her purse?

Nick Capodice:
This is the crucial moment in the case. And everything rests on that question because it's not just about finding cigarettes. It's what he saw after he opened the purse and took the cigarettes out.

Tracey Maclin:
He found some rolling papers, a note that talked about the people that owed money to TLO, and a small amount of marijuana

you left out one item in the pocketbook, the 40 bucks.

I beg your pardon?

You left out one item in the pocketbook. Which was forty dollars in one dollar bills which signified that she was selling it.

Yes, Your Honor.

Nick Capodice:
That was Justice Thurgood Marshall, by the way, questioning the advocate for New Jersey in the case. That combination of rolling papers, marijuana, a book of names of people who owed TLO money and a bunch of small bills was together enough evidence to get her sent to the police station with her mother, where she confessed. Yes, she had been selling marijuana in school and she was sentenced by the court to a year of probation.

Sarah Seo:
What's interesting about this case is that it first comes up with a question that is ultimately not decided in the decision.

Nick Capodice:
This is Sarah Seo. She teaches at Columbia Law School.

Sarah Seo:
The school admitted that the Fourth Amendment was violated and the question was, does the exclusionary rule apply?

Hannah McCarthy:
It starts as an exclusionary rule case.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, we talked about the exclusionary rule in our Mapp v Ohio episode. But Professor Seo gave us a quick recap.

Sarah Seo:
And this exclusionary rule is if the state official violates a constitutional right to get that evidence, then that evidence must be excluded or cannot be used against the individual in a criminal proceeding. And so the issue was, could the evidence of the marijuana be used in the juvenile proceeding against TLO?

Hannah McCarthy:
If the initial search for cigarettes by Choplick was unconstitutional, then all other evidence he found after that search is not admissible as evidence.

Nick Capodice:
Right. Which started with rolling papers.

Tracey Maclin:
Now once he sees the cigarettes, then the rolling papers became what's known as plain view. That's a term of art for Fourth Amendment purposes. In other words, they were no longer private.

Nick Capodice:
Plain view is one of the exceptions to the exclusionary rule. If you can see evidence of a crime, if it's out in public, you can use it in court. But it only was in plain view in the first place because Choplick opened the purse. So TLO argued that the pot and the rolling papers and the money and even her confession at the police station can't be used in court because it is fruit from a poisonous tree.

Hannah McCarthy:
Also, you said smoking was allowed in school, right?

Nick Capodice:
It was in designated areas

Hannah McCarthy:
So her having cigarettes in her purse wasn't even breaking a school rule.

Nick Capodice:
It wasn't. And Choplick said he only searched the purse because even though she was caught smoking, TLO lied and said she didn't even smoke at all.

Hannah McCarthy:
So Sarah said that it came to the court as an exclusionary rule case, but it changed into something else. What did it become about?

Nick Capodice:
The court doesn't even address the exclusionary rule in their decision, but instead it becomes a broad Fourth Amendment case. On a base level are your protections against unlawful search and seizure different if you're a student in a public school setting?

OK, how did the court rule? Had TLO's Fourth Amendment rights been violated?

So in New Jersey v TLO the court rules in favor of... New Jersey.

Tracey Maclin:
I believe it was six to three decision they said no, there's no violation of the 4th amendment. Choplick's actions were reasonable within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment because while students have some Fourth Amendment rights, they don't have the same rights that you and I have. In other words, they have diminished protections in schools.

Sarah Seo:
The court held a few things. One, it held that the warrant requirement of the Fourth Amendment doesn't apply in the school context and to that the probable cause standard also doesn't apply in the school context. What it held was that a school official can conduct a search if at the time of the search, the official has reasonable suspicion.

Hannah McCarthy:
The ruling states that a teacher only needs reasonable suspicion to search a student, not probable cause. So I'm going to need both of those terms defined.

Tracey Maclin:
That's a fair question. The problem with any answer you get is that the Supreme Court itself has never defined what probable cause means, and there's a reason for that. But the best answer for your audience is that probable cause means a substantial chance that the government, the police, the FBI, there's a substantial chance, a fair probability that you'll find evidence of a crime.

Nick Capodice:
And this ruling stands today. You do have an expectation of privacy in school, but teachers and school officials only need reasonable suspicion to search You not probable cause. Now, reasonable suspicion is if you have a reasonable grounds for suspecting that your search will find evidence that a student violated a specific school rule, then that search is allowed.

Hannah McCarthy:
I come back to the same thing I always come to when we talk about Supreme Court cases, I always want to know what were the reverberations? How does it affect student privacy protections today?

Sarah Seo:
What's important to note about this case is starting in the mid 1980s, the Supreme Court is starting to chip away at the Fourth Amendment by creating these exceptions to the exclusionary rule. The year before this case was decided, the Supreme Court for the first time created an exception to the exclusionary rule. It's called the Leon Good Faith exception to the exclusionary rule, where if a police officer in good faith relies on an arrest warrant but that arrest warrant turns out to be faulty, then the exclusionary rule will not apply.

Sarah Seo:
So this case comes up the next year asking does exclusionary rule apply in the school context or can there be an exception? And the court, of course, held, holds that there's actually another exception to the warrant requirement that is in the school context.

Sarah Seo:
The second thing I want to point out is this is the 1980s. We're in the middle of the war on drugs. Nancy Reagan is encouraging students to just say no,

Say no to drugs, and say yes to life.

Sarah Seo:
And drugs in schools becomes a huge concern. And so the court is addressing that concern by with this decision, by allowing school administrators and school officials to conduct searches in order to create drug free schools.

Sarah Seo:
So after this case came down, a lot of school administrators relied on this case to start doing strip searches of students to look for drugs.

State police are investigating after staff at a Binghamton middle school were accused of strip searching four 12 year old girls. Governor Cuomo directed troopers to launch an investigation.

Nick Capodice:
That news clip is from 2019. A complaint was filed on behalf of four 12 year old students in Binghamton, New York, who were searched physically by the school nurse after they were seen talking and laughing in the hallway by school officials who described them as being, quote, hyper and giddy.

Hannah McCarthy:
Whenever we look at Supreme Court cases that deal with students while at school, I always think of Tinker v. Des Moines or like Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier

Nick Capodice:
yeah, cases about students' First Amendment rights.

Hannah McCarthy:
The court always wrestles with how things are different when we're talking about being in a school. And balancing a student's rights with maintaining a safe and undisrupted space to learn sounds tricky.

Nick Capodice:
If there's one thing I take away from the TLO decision, it's that every case afterward that dealt with reasonable suspicion and a search at school, like, can a teacher demand your phone or social media password if they suspect you of bullying? Can they search your locker if they think you have a weapon, can they pat you down in the hallway? It all depends on a very specific context. And the fifty four words that make up that Fourth Amendment are being reinterpreted every single day.

Nick Capodice:
That's it for the saga of TLO. You can listen to all of our other right to privacy episodes and a whole lot more on our website, Civics101podcast.org.

Hannah McCarthy:
And while you're there, if you want to learn about all of the civics trivia nuggets that we cannot cram into our episodes, subscribe to our newsletter, Extra Credit.

Nick Capodice:
And see what the civics team is doing all the time by following us on Facebook or Twitter. Just come and say hi, for heaven's sake @civics101pod. Today's episode is produced by me Nick Capodice with You Hannah McCarthy. Thank you.

Hannah McCarthy:
Oh, you're welcome, Nick. Our staff includes Jackie Fulton. Erika Janik knows that vapin' ain't allowed in the Corn Maze.

Nick Capodice:
Music in this episode by Jahzzar, Blue Dot Sessions, Wildlight, Matt Oakley, Loo Loco, The Grand Affair and the Musical Toast of Corpus Christi, Chris Zabriskie.

Hannah McCarthy:
Civics 101 is made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

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Transcript

TLO full.mp3

[00:00:00] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:04] Did you did you ever get in trouble at school for anything?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:07] Exactly One incident it's not worth...

Nick Capodice: [00:00:10] Just tell me what it was.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:11] I knew a girl had the wrong answer. It was like an outloud test. I indicated to her that she had the wrong answer. And the teacher said that Hannah McCarthy ruined the day for everybody.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:23] Oh, my God.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:23] I think I was in second grade.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:25] I hacked into...I knew how to use DOS, so I hacked in to find out the teacher passwords for the kids grades.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:32] I can't believe you did that

Nick Capodice: [00:00:33] Yeah. I feel terrible about it.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:36] Every episode we work on gives me another reason to fall in love with Supreme Court cases. And today it's that a relatively minor offense can rise through the court system to achieve the stature of landmark decision. And the story of this case starts in spring 1980.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:56] Empire Strikes Back is about to hit theaters, Queen is [00:01:00] at the top of the charts with crazy little thing called love. Former Governor Ronald Reagan is campaigning against Jimmy Carter using the fresh new slogan,

[00:01:10] "Ronald Reagan for President, Let's make America great again."

Nick Capodice: [00:01:14] And in Piscataway, New Jersey, 14 year old girl broke a school rule and started her journey to the highest court in the land.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:25] She broke school rule and ended up in the Supreme Court. What was she doing?

Nick Capodice: [00:01:30] Oh, I'll tell you, Hannah.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:37] You're listening to Civics 101, I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:39] I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice: [00:01:40] And we are looking at another Supreme Court case dealing with our right to privacy. Today, The case that defines your Fourth Amendment protections as a student, New Jersey v TLO, 1985.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:52] First, I have to ask you about the name of this case. Who is TLO?

Nick Capodice: [00:01:56] TLO is the respondent in this case. She was a minor at the time, [00:02:00] so the court just used her initials. She was a freshman at Piscataway High School in New Jersey.

Tracey Maclin: [00:02:06] She was caught smoking in the girls room. Remember Barnsville? What is it, that song, Smoking in the Boys room?

Nick Capodice: [00:02:14] This is Tracey Maclin. He's a professor at Boston University School of Law. And when I called him, neither of us could remember the name of the band. It was a Brownsville Station, by the way, later covered by Motley Crue, and the song, I sure do know, smoking in the boys room.

[00:02:29]

Nick Capodice: [00:02:33] And I bring this up because I have to point out that smoking was allowed at this school at the time, just not in the bathroom. This is important later. But TLO and another girl smoked in the bathroom just the same.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:47] And they got caught.

Nick Capodice: [00:02:48] They were they were caught by a teacher and they were marched to the office of Assistant Vice Principal Choplick.

Tracey Maclin: [00:02:53] And he asked her whether she had been smoking and she denied it. And she said she never even, she didn't even smoke. [00:03:00]And so at that point, he he grabbed her purse. Opened it up and saw a package of cigarettes.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:11] All right, stop. This is the moment where I can see the Fourth Amendment getting involved. That's the amendment that protects us against unreasonable search and seizure. Did the assistant vice principal have the authority to search her purse?

Nick Capodice: [00:03:25] This is the crucial moment in the case. And everything rests on that question because it's not just about finding cigarettes. It's what he saw after he opened the purse and took the cigarettes out.

Tracey Maclin: [00:03:35] He found some rolling papers, a note that talked about the people that owed money to TLO, and a small amount of marijuana

[00:03:48] you left out one item in the pocketbook, the 40 bucks.

[00:03:52] I beg your pardon?

[00:03:52] You left out one item in the pocketbook. Which was forty dollars in one dollar bills which signified that she was [00:04:00] selling it.

[00:04:01] Yes, Your Honor.

Nick Capodice: [00:04:02] That was Justice Thurgood Marshall, by the way, questioning the advocate for New Jersey in the case. That combination of rolling papers, marijuana, a book of names of people who owed TLO money and a bunch of small bills was together enough evidence to get her sent to the police station with her mother, where she confessed. Yes, she had been selling marijuana in school and she was sentenced by the court to a year of probation.

Sarah Seo: [00:04:27] What's interesting about this case is that it first comes up with a question that is ultimately not decided in the decision.

Nick Capodice: [00:04:35] This is Sarah Seo. She teaches at Columbia Law School.

Sarah Seo: [00:04:38] The school admitted that the Fourth Amendment was violated and the question was, does the exclusionary rule apply?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:48] It starts as an exclusionary rule case.

Nick Capodice: [00:04:51] Yeah, we talked about the exclusionary rule in our Mapp v Ohio episode. But Professor Seo gave us a quick recap.

Sarah Seo: [00:04:56] And this exclusionary rule is if the [00:05:00] state official violates a constitutional right to get that evidence, then that evidence must be excluded or cannot be used against the individual in a criminal proceeding. And so the issue was, could the evidence of the marijuana be used in the juvenile proceeding against TLO?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:21] If the initial search for cigarettes by Choplick was unconstitutional, then all other evidence he found after that search is not admissible as evidence.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:30] Right. Which started with rolling papers.

Tracey Maclin: [00:05:35] Now once he sees the cigarettes, then the rolling papers became what's known as plain view. That's a term of art for Fourth Amendment purposes. In other words, they were no longer private.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:44] Plain view is one of the exceptions to the exclusionary rule. If you can see evidence of a crime, if it's out in public, you can use it in court. But it only was in plain view in the first place because Choplick opened the purse. So TLO argued that the pot and the rolling [00:06:00] papers and the money and even her confession at the police station can't be used in court because it is fruit from a poisonous tree.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:07] Also, you said smoking was allowed in school, right?

Nick Capodice: [00:06:10] It was in designated areas

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:12] So her having cigarettes in her purse wasn't even breaking a school rule.

Nick Capodice: [00:06:15] It wasn't. And Choplick said he only searched the purse because even though she was caught smoking, TLO lied and said she didn't even smoke at all.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:23] So Sarah said that it came to the court as an exclusionary rule case, but it changed into something else. What did it become about?

Nick Capodice: [00:06:31] The court doesn't even address the exclusionary rule in their decision, but instead it becomes a broad Fourth Amendment case. On a base level are your protections against unlawful search and seizure different if you're a student in a public school setting?

[00:06:48] OK, how did the court rule? Had TLO's Fourth Amendment rights been violated?

[00:06:53] So in New Jersey v TLO the court rules in favor of... New Jersey.

Tracey Maclin: [00:06:59] I believe [00:07:00] it was six to three decision they said no, there's no violation of the 4th amendment. Choplick's actions were reasonable within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment because while students have some Fourth Amendment rights, they don't have the same rights that you and I have. In other words, they have diminished protections in schools.

Sarah Seo: [00:07:22] The court held a few things. One, it held that the warrant requirement of the Fourth Amendment doesn't apply in the school context and to that the probable cause standard also doesn't apply in the school context. What it held was that a school official can conduct a search if at the time of the search, the official has reasonable suspicion.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:46] The ruling states that a teacher only needs reasonable suspicion to search a student, not probable cause. So I'm going to need both of those terms defined.

Tracey Maclin: [00:07:54] That's a fair question. The problem with any answer you get is that the Supreme [00:08:00] Court itself has never defined what probable cause means, and there's a reason for that. But the best answer for your audience is that probable cause means a substantial chance that the government, the police, the FBI, there's a substantial chance, a fair probability that you'll find evidence of a crime.

Nick Capodice: [00:08:22] And this ruling stands today. You do have an expectation of privacy in school, but teachers and school officials only need reasonable suspicion to search You not probable cause. Now, reasonable suspicion is if you have a reasonable grounds for suspecting that your search will find evidence that a student violated a specific school rule, then that search is allowed.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:45] I come back to the same thing I always come to when we talk about Supreme Court cases, I always want to know what were the reverberations? How does it affect student privacy protections today?

Sarah Seo: [00:08:58] What's important to note about [00:09:00] this case is starting in the mid 1980s, the Supreme Court is starting to chip away at the Fourth Amendment by creating these exceptions to the exclusionary rule. The year before this case was decided, the Supreme Court for the first time created an exception to the exclusionary rule. It's called the Leon Good Faith exception to the exclusionary rule, where if a police officer in good faith relies on an arrest warrant but that arrest warrant turns out to be faulty, then the exclusionary rule will not apply.

Sarah Seo: [00:09:31] So this case comes up the next year asking does exclusionary rule apply in the school context or can there be an exception? And the court, of course, held, holds that there's actually another exception to the warrant requirement that is in the school context.

Sarah Seo: [00:09:47] The second thing I want to point out is this is the 1980s. We're in the middle of the war on drugs. Nancy Reagan is encouraging students to just say no,

[00:10:00] Say [00:10:00] no to drugs, and say yes to life.

Sarah Seo: [00:10:06] And drugs in schools becomes a huge concern. And so the court is addressing that concern by with this decision, by allowing school administrators and school officials to conduct searches in order to create drug free schools.

Sarah Seo: [00:10:23] So after this case came down, a lot of school administrators relied on this case to start doing strip searches of students to look for drugs.

[00:10:31] State police are investigating after staff at a Binghamton middle school were accused of strip searching four 12 year old girls. Governor Cuomo directed troopers to launch an investigation.

Nick Capodice: [00:10:41] That news clip is from 2019. A complaint was filed on behalf of four 12 year old students in Binghamton, New York, who were searched physically by the school nurse after they were seen talking and laughing in the hallway by school officials who described them as being, quote, hyper and giddy.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:58] Whenever we look at Supreme Court cases [00:11:00] that deal with students while at school, I always think of Tinker v. Des Moines or like Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier

Nick Capodice: [00:11:06] yeah, cases about students' First Amendment rights.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:08] The court always wrestles with how things are different when we're talking about being in a school. And balancing a student's rights with maintaining a safe and undisrupted space to learn sounds tricky.

Nick Capodice: [00:11:21] If there's one thing I take away from the TLO decision, it's that every case afterward that dealt with reasonable suspicion and a search at school, like, can a teacher demand your phone or social media password if they suspect you of bullying? Can they search your locker if they think you have a weapon, can they pat you down in the hallway? It all depends on a very specific context. And the fifty four words that make up that Fourth Amendment are being reinterpreted every single day.

Nick Capodice: [00:11:54] That's it for the saga of TLO. You can listen to all of our other right to privacy episodes and a whole lot more [00:12:00] on our website, Civics101podcast.org.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:03] And while you're there, if you want to learn about all of the civics trivia nuggets that we cannot cram into our episodes, subscribe to our newsletter, Extra Credit.

Nick Capodice: [00:12:11] And see what the civics team is doing all the time by following us on Facebook or Twitter. Just come and say hi, for heaven's sake @civics101pod. Today's episode is produced by me Nick Capodice with You Hannah McCarthy. Thank you.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:24] Oh, you're welcome, Nick. Our staff includes Jackie Fulton. Erika Janik knows that vapin' ain't allowed in the Corn Maze.

Nick Capodice: [00:12:30] Music in this episode by Jahzzar, Blue Dot Sessions, Wildlight, Matt Oakley, Loo Loco, The Grand Affair and the Musical Toast of Corpus Christi, Chris Zabriskie.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:40] Civics 101 is made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
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Made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Right to Privacy: Griswold v Connecticut

Despite the fact that they were written in the late 19th century, morality laws were still on the books in the United States in 1965. In Connecticut, one such law prohibited the discussion, prescription and distribution of contraception. After years of trying to get the courts to scrub this law from the books, medical providers had to find a way to get the question before the highest court in the land. It wouldn’t be easy, but in the end the case would transform our notion of privacy and the role of the Supreme Court when it comes to public law.

Renee Cramer of Drake University and Elizabeth Lane of Louisiana State are our guides.

 

Transcript:

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:03] A quick heads up, we're about to talk about a Supreme Court case that acknowledges the existence of sex, reproduction and birth control. Nothing too detailed. But if you've got young ears around you, you might consider skipping this one. Alright. Here we go.

 

Archival: [00:00:17] Conversation at the dinner table is very important and there are many topics that you cannot speak about, so we'll talk about those first.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:25] There are several basic rules of thumb when it comes to good table manners. Be nice about the food, elbows off the table and avoid the following subjects.

 

Archival: [00:00:38] I recommend that you do not talk about politics, religion, death, bereavement or anything that's too spicy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:46] I found a whole series of etiquette lessons online and now I am finally a lady. But I digress. You'll notice that the last of the forbidden realms was so taboo that it could only be hinted at anything [00:01:00] spicy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:00] May I hazard a guess.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:02]  Please.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:03] Because I'm thinking she doesn't mean chili pepper.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:05] Right.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:06] I'd say that anything having to do with sex at all is a big no.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:09] I'd say you're right. And anything having to do with the politics of sex may be an even bigger now. But I'll tell you where we do talk about it in these United States, the Supreme Court. This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:28]  I'm Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:30] And today we're covering a case that decided what we're legally allowed to talk about and do when it comes to a certain spicy subject. The year is 1965 and the case is Griswold v. Connecticut. This case paved the way for reproductive privacy in the United States. It's the reason that you're allowed to talk about birth control, let alone buy and use it. This is the case that kicked the federal government out of our bedrooms. Now, [00:02:00] 1965 in the United States, we're talking major clashes and major change, the president is Lyndon B. Johnson, beginning his first full term after the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

 

Archival: [00:02:15] Lyndon Baines Johnson: I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:21] The Vietnam War is raging as are anti-war protests. This is the year Malcolm X is assassinated.

 

Archival: [00:02:32] be prepared to defend ourselves or we will continue to be a defenseless people at the mercy of a ruthless and violent racist mob.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:40] The year 200 Alabama state troopers attacked unarmed, peaceful civil rights marchers in our own.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:48] The year of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, we are in the midst of the Cold War, the space race...

 

Archival: [00:02:57] Until two days ago, that sound [00:03:00] had never been heard on this earth.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:01] And in the midst of all of this is a woman who's trying to get in trouble with the law.

 

Archival: [00:03:06] The effort to change morality laws by breaking them is still going on. The latest case in the state of Connecticut.

 

Estelle Griswold: [00:03:18] We are continuing maybe illegally, but we are continuing our program of education and referral.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:24] Estelle Griswold, executive director of the New Haven, Connecticut, Planned Parenthood Clinic.

 

Estelle Griswold: [00:03:29] An old Comstock law making it a crime to practice contraception, is still on the books.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:33] See Estelle, along with a doctor from Yale.

 

Archival: [00:03:36] Dr. C. Lee Buxton, chairman of the obstetrical department.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:39] They wanted to challenge a law and to do it, they needed to get arrested.

 

Archival: [00:03:44] We issued to warrants one against Estelle Griswold and the other against Dr. Sealy Buxton.

 

Archival: [00:03:50] The remnants of Comstockery,constitutional liberties and the moral principles of several religions met head on.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:56] Hold on. These providers, Griswold [00:04:00] and Buxton, are violating Comstock three. What does that even mean?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:05] To answer that, we're going to have to go back a bit.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:07] How far back we're going to go?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:10] This story technically begins nearly 100 years earlier, not in Connecticut at all, but in a little city called New York in 1873.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:21] Now, here is a place I know a little bit about, he got tons of wealth, even more poverty, grand mansions going up next to overcrowded tenement blocks, anti-immigrant sentiment was huge. And you're at the height of Victorian morality, this idea that there is a proper way for women and men to behave. So think not gambling, drinking or having premarital sex, while at the same time gambling houses, saloons and so-called vice workers, a.k.a. sex workers were all over the city.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:57] And into this land of great wealth and poverty, [00:05:00] morality and vice sunlight and shadow walk someone by the name of Anthony Comstock.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:05:08] The inventor of Comstockery. I'm going to guess.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:12] That's right. This is where it starts. Comstock was a poster child for Victorian morality, the ultimate anti-vice torchbearer.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:20] He considered gambling, prostitution, pornography, erotic literature, contraception and abortion to be obscene. And he wanted all of it eradicated. So he gets busy lobbying Congress to pass a law that will keep Americans moral. And it works, or at least passing the law works. That same year, 1873, Congress passes the act of the suppression of trade and circulation of obscene literature and articles of immoral use.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:05:54] So the obscene literature thing kind of speaks for itself. But what do they mean by articles of immoral use?

 

Renee Cramer: [00:06:00] The Comstock laws, where federal laws that made possession and distribution of information about birth control a violation of pornographic laws of pornography laws. So it treated these materials as smut, as dirty, as erotic, rather than as a health care.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:18] This is Renee Cramer, a law professor at Drake University.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:21] Hold, how widely available was birth control before this law?

 

Renee Cramer: [00:06:25] Well, here's what's amazing. From about the 1920s to the 1950s, before the Comstock laws made it illegal, people would buy their birth control from the Sears and Roebuck catalog. They would buy their birth control in the personal aisle at the five and dime.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:40] So birth control goes from dime a dozen common to intensely stigmatized. And the reason the setting is important for this one. By that I mean New York City, high rates of immigration, lots of poverty, lots of bigotry is that this law had a target audience.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:06:58] This was also tied to eugenics. This is also very clearly about which women should reproduce. Middle class, white women should reproduce. Immigrant women should not reproduce. Poor women of color should not reproduce. Poor white women should not reproduce. They weren't being policed in this way at this time. This was middle class and upper class women who would have had access to private doctors, who could give them prescriptions to birth control. And the state had a very formative interest, the nation state, in making sure that they reproduced. It's sometimes called positive eugenics.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:30] Eugenics, by the way, is the study of how to make sure people with, quote, desirable characteristics meet and produce children. The idea is to improve the human race, but the fine print is that it's about racism, bigotry, anti-Semitism and ableism.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:07:46] So Comstock was making sure that those people who could have had access to birth control or knowledge about it didn't and making sure that people felt dirty and obscene for wanting it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:57] Anthony Comstock got his way and then states across the country created their own specific versions of the law.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:08:04] But Connecticut took it a step further and they just completely forbid the use of contraceptives.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:10] This is Elizabeth Lane, Professor of political science at Louisiana State University. Now, as early as 1878, people were petitioning Congress to please repeal the Comstock Act, unsuccessfully, I might add. But as time wore on, doctors started to push their luck with it.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:08:28] And one of the first cases actually was in 1938 and a birth control clinic opened in Waterbury, Connecticut. They basically operated kind of unnoticed, right. They just did their thing thinking that, well, perhaps this law has a medical exception.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:08:48]  What counts as a medical exception?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:51] These doctors were thinking that women who had complications in past pregnancies or whose lives could be threatened by pregnancy were maybe exempt from this anti birth control law. They thought wrong.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:09:03] In 1939, the following year, that summer, the Waterbury kind of clergy members got together and they basically said this is a clear violation of the law.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:09:20] The police need to do something about it. And the next day that clinic was raided and the two doctors and the nurse who worked there were arrested. And so that was the state of Connecticut v. Nelson. And the Supreme Court of Errors ended up upholding the law.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:39] A couple of years later, another doctor went looking for more clarification on the medical exemption question.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:09:46] He basically went before the Supreme Court of Errors in Connecticut and was like, so there is no medical exemption, kind of basically clarifying. And they said, yes, there is no medical exception to this law. Birth control is not allowed [00:10:00] to be used in the state.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:02] And this doctor is like, seriously, there is no situation in which a medical doctor would be allowed to help a patient prevent pregnancy.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:10:12] He appeals that decision to the Supreme Court, but of course, the Supreme Court doesn't rule on hypothetical cases at that point, that doctor hadn't been prosecuted in any way for providing birth control to a patient. So he did not have standing for the Supreme Court to rule on his case.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:31] Medical providers, Planned Parenthood in particular, are coming at this problem from various angles.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:10:37] Well, the Planned Parenthood League of Connecticut had been working since that case in the 1930s, every legislative session to have someone introduce an amendment to that law from the eighteen hundreds to allow birth control to be used, especially for medical reasons. And they had been unsuccessful.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:56] The legislature was actually where Estelle Griswold began, executive director [00:11:00] of Planned Parenthood in Connecticut, started before they got anywhere near trying to get arrested.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:08] She and Dr. Charles Lee Buxton went before Connecticut lawmakers.

 

Archival: [00:11:13] Dr. Buxton, how did you become involved in this birth control case?

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:11:17] He was the chair of the OBGYN -- the obstetrics and gynecology department at Yale Medical School. She arranged for him to testify.

 

Archival: [00:11:27] Dr. C. Lee Buxton: I'm prevented from taking care of patients the way they should be taken care of by a law that exists. I just happened to believe something ought to be done about it.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:11:35] Nothing changed.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:11:37] So you've got a law based in this antiquated notion of Victorian morality in the midst of the 1960s, one of the most tumultuous and freewheeling decades in world history. Anthony Comstock truly got the most out of his legacy.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:11:52]  They started thinking, and that's when they backed up with Fowler Harper, professor at Yale Law School, and he happened to specialize in [00:12:00] family law. And this is where kind of the litigation strategy began.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:07] So Griswold and Harper start looking for a way to challenge the law. And they're thinking, OK, married couples have the best case here because we know it's a bridge too far to ask the court to rule on an unmarried woman who may need to use birth control. And they find three married couples either for whom the pregnancies had been life threatening for the mother or whose children either did not survive very long, had major disabilities or had been stillborn. And they challenged this Comstock law in the state Supreme Court. And the court says, sorry, that ban on birth control applies even if you're married and the pregnancy is life threatening. So Griswold and Harper appeal their case up to the Supreme Court. This case is called Poe v Ullman.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:12:51] Once the case got to the United States Supreme Court, they said that there was no controversy because neither the doctor who prescribed the birth control, [00:13:00] Doctor Buxton from Yale Medical School, nor his patients had actually been prosecuted. And so basically the Supreme Court said, well, you don't have standing, nor do we think that it's really realistic that anyone is going to be prosecuted moving forward.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:13:16] Ergo, we can't rule because nobody actually got in trouble for breaking the law. And it doesn't matter in the first place because who bothers enforcing this law anyways?

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:13:24] Estelle Griswold was like, well, if that's the case, great, we'll start opening clinics all over the states. And if that's not the case, not great. But then at least we will have standing to try to take this case before the Supreme Court again. And so that's what they did.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:13:41] So Estelle Griswold's like, don't mind me, officer. I'll just be over here breaking the law over and over.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:13:49] November of 1961, they opened their Planned Parenthood clinic in New Haven, Connecticut. They were open for ten days prescribing contraceptives and birth control to their [00:14:00] patients, and then they were shut down and prosecuted for violating the law.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:06] The difference now is that Estelle Griswold very much did get in trouble. The case has standing and attorney Thomas Emerson is the advocate in this case. And he's before the court and he starts arguing on a First Amendment basis that you can't constrain what a doctor says to a patient.

 

Archival: [00:14:25] Griswold v Connecticut Oral Argument: Are you coming back to your First Amendment argument? If not I want to ask the question. Well, I'm not getting far on any of my arguments here but uh... uh...

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:33] And then he goes for a 14th Amendment basis.

 

Archival: [00:14:41] Griswold v Connecticut Oral Argument: Let me just outline the argument on due process.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:14:45]  This argument that we have liberty located in the due process clause of the 14th Amendment primarily, and this liberty gives individuals the ability to make their own decisions with regard to using contraceptives.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:00] So they're arguing on the first and Fourteenth Amendment basis. Those aren't the two, I think, of when we're talking about privacy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:06] What happens is at the last minute, Emerson finds an article in the New York University Law Review that focuses a bunch on the Ninth Amendment. And Emerson is like huh. That could work.

 

Archival: [00:15:19] Griswold v Connecticut Oral Argument: Certainly the Ninth Amendment meant to reserve some rights to the people. And if there's any right that you would think would be reserved to the people on which the government should not interfere with this, it would be this right? Yeah.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:15:32] And so at like the 13th hour, they ended up including those Ninth Amendment arguments in their brief as well.

 

Elizabeth Lane: [00:15:42]  And as it turned out, that was quite effective.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:44] See, the Ninth Amendment tells us that just because something is not in the Constitution, that doesn't mean that it is not one of our rights. And that kind of like unlocks a right that the Supreme Court had been thinking about quite a bit lately, [00:16:00] specifically four years earlier in a case in 1961.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:16:05] In a little case called Mapp v Ohio.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:16:08] Right. A case that hinged on an unspoken right to privacy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:12]  Right. Here's Renee Kramer again.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:16:14] Douglas wrote the majority opinion. There were two dissents, but Douglas didn't even really want to think through the First Amendment claim. He does a bit, but he says the most important thing here is that we actually have a right to privacy. And this line is why Griswold is so important, because up until Griswold versus Connecticut, privacy doctrine rooted in the Fourth Amendment was all about matters of criminal law. So that's the development of privacy law. And here Douglas says, you know, there are these zones of privacy, these spaces that the state shouldn't enter. And two of those zones are implicated here. One, the marriage. There's a point in his decision. He calls it the sacred precinct of the marital bedroom.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:16:59] Oh, that phrasing, these sacred precinct of the marital bedroom and marital. Seems like the operative word here.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:09] Oh, very much so.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:17:10] Because this is also about any time a woman in Griswold is making a medical decision, she's making it in consultation with her husband, who is a man and with a doctor who is a man. So these are rights of privacy whereby men are empowered to tell women about their health care options and women are empowered to act on them. So the zones of privacy of the marital bedroom and the doctor's office are the places where women can exert that autonomy. But they're both really bounded places. And Douglas is clear on it. I mean, this is a sacred precinct. This is God ordained. This is marriage.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:45] The court is ruling in a seven to two decision that, yes, a doctor is permitted to talk about the spicy subject of contraceptives with a patient when it involves the protected private space of the marital bedroom. Basically, this is a right reserved for married couples.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:08] Still, this ruling reveals this new power of the right to privacy. Justice Douglas writes that privacy has something called a penumbra.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:18:20] Penumbral is a great word. It can be a confusing word. And I think of it in two different ways than an actual penumbral is like a candelabra.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:18:28] So a penumbra is the light that is shed by a flame. So it's the opposite of the shadow. It's what's illuminated by a candle.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:18:36] But I also like to think of a penumbral right as an umbrella. It's the umbrella you stand under in order to not get wet to in order to get out of the storm.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:18:46] So you imagine this married couple walking into their doctor's office saying we do not yet want to have children and they're holding their umbrella and the doctor says, hey, come under this penumbral right of privacy.Step in under this with me.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:19:00] I can give you this information because the court has now said this little area, this little light illuminated by the flame is a zone of privacy and you can have private decision making Control in this area around this part of your reproductive lives, so the penumbral right of privacy is articulated in Griswold starts to open up this range of spaces.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:19:23] It starts to illuminate different zones of privacy where people can make reproductive decisions and eventually where people can make sexual and intimacy decisions beyond birth control and abortion.

 

Renee Cramer: [00:19:35] But on to areas of same sex couples, same sex relationships, same sex marriage, but also interracial marriage earlier, way earlier than those became legal.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:19:45] So first, the Supreme Court reveals this unenumerated rights and then they say, hey, by the way, this thing lights up.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:19:55] Making it a lot easier to see what else falls under the right to privacy.

 

Archival: [00:20:02] Please listen carefully.

 

Archival: [00:20:05] The right of Richard and Mildred Loving to wake up in the morning or to go to sleep at night knowing that the sheriff will not be knocking on their door or shining a light in their face in the privacy of their bedroom for illicit cohabitation.

 

Archival: [00:20:25] That is what gave the people of this state and across the country the right of privacy to the decision to end the pregnancy during the first three months belongs to the woman and her doctor, not the governor, as a gay rights case as well as a privacy case. And I think in that respect, Justice Scalia, with whom I do not always agree, was the most important gay rights ruling ever. And it's the culmination of decades of legal battles. It comes from a Supreme Court that just 30 years ago said gay people could be punished as criminals out of that historic Supreme Court decision legalizing same sex marriage across the land.

 

Archival: [00:20:59] And it's profound. The five to four vote [00:21:00] in many ways reflecting the huge societal shift of the last 20 years. The president saying today there are days like this when that slow, steady effort is rewarded with justice that arrives like a thunderbolt.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:15] That does it for Griswold v. Connecticut, but that does not do it for its impact, ruling on a married couples right to privacy soon led to Eisenstadt v. Baird, which ruled that a single woman has a right to privacy when it comes to birth control. And, of course, one of the most hot button privacy cases in modern history, Roe v. Wade and a woman's right to privacy and choice. So naturally, we're tackling that on Civics 101. This episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy with Nick Capodice. Erica Janik is our executive producer and our team includes Jackie Fulton. Music in this episode by Joel Cummins, Nangdo, Lobo Loco, Ketsa, Juanitos, Jahzzar, Crowander and Bio Unit. Just a reminder, our student contest is still going on! It’s called There Outta Be a Law, and we want to know what law you would propose to fix a problem in your school, town, state or country. You’ve got until the end of this month, March 2021, to submit your idea via voice memo or video. All students of all ages welcome, check out the deets at our website, civics101podcast.org. [00:22:00]

 


 
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Right to Privacy: Mapp v Ohio

In 1957, three police officers showed up at the home of Dollree Mapp and demanded to be let in. They had no warrant. Ms. Mapp refused. This landmark case about privacy and unlawful search and seizure defines our protections under the 4th Amendment today.

This episode features Vince Warren, Executive Director for the Center for Constitutional Rights, and Boston University Law professor Tracey Maclin.

 

Episode Resources

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Video on the Exclusionary Rule:

 

Episode Segments


mapp final all.mp3: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

mapp final all.mp3: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the best speech-to-text algorithms. This transcript may contain errors.

Adia Samba-Quee:
Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

A.L. Kearns:
We have a situation here rising in Cuyahoga County, Ohio.

Nick Capodice:
Hannah, I want to tell you a story about a woman in Ohio, a woman named Dalle Rehmat.

A.L. Kearns:
She is a woman without any record whatsoever from a criminal point of view.

Nick Capodice:
She lived in a quiet neighborhood in Cleveland. And one day some police officers came to her house. And before I tell you what happened next, I just want to say that people out there might think of Supreme Court cases as these stuffy procedural things. But at their heart, these cases are stories. They have a plot, characters, struggles, victory, defeat. But when it comes to epic sagas, the case we're talking about today, Mapp v Ohio, pretty much takes the cake.

Hannah McCarthy:
Well, now you've got me curious. What is it got?

Nick Capodice:
What's it got? This case has got it all Hannah!

Nick Capodice:
And it starts with a bomb. Numbers runners. Operators. An unloaded gun. Crooked cops, pornography, a young Don King.

Don King:
I'm not trying to win a popularity contest.

Nick Capodice:
And at the center of it all, a true hero who stood in her doorway and said, if you don't have a warrant, you're not coming in. This is the case that makes the Fourth Amendment actually apply to You.

Nick Capodice:
This is Civics 101, I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice:
And this is the first of four episodes about privacy and the Supreme Court for cases that change the rules about what the government can and can't do when it comes to your home, your locker, your purse or your body. This is Mapp v Ohio, 1961.

Vince Warren:
So Mapp versus Ohio is a case about the police looking for a bomber and ending up arresting a woman for having porn in her basement. My name is Vince Warren. I'm the executive director of the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York City.

Tracey Maclin:
Well, there was a bombing at Don King's home in Cleveland, Ohio. The police suspected that the bomber was that Dolree Mapp's home. My name is Tracey Maclin and I am a law professor at Boston University.

Hannah McCarthy:
Pause here. Are we talking about the Don King,

Nick Capodice:
The one and only. Before he rose to fame as a boxing promoter for Muhammad Ali and others, Don King ran what was called a numbers racket in Cleveland.

Hannah McCarthy:
What's a numbers racket?

Nick Capodice:
It's like an illegal local lottery, sometimes run by a crime syndicate, sometimes far less nefarious. Numbers Runners go around the city and they take bets on three numbers. In Cleveland, they used the closing stock market results in the evening papers to determine the winning lottery numbers. And if you pick the right trio, you could win like a couple hundred bucks.

Hannah McCarthy:
You've got Don King running a numbers racket. Somebody bombs his home and the police think the guy is it at Dolree Mapp's house.

Vince Warren:
And so they showed up at the door. They said, we're here to search the property. Dolly says, can you show me a search warrant? Now, they didn't have a search warrant. So what's a search warrant? A search warrant is when a police officer goes to a judge or a magistrate and swears out with an affidavit. Here is the probable cause to believe that we will find the things that we think that we're going to find in this house. They have to convince a court based on reasonable evidence that that would likely be the case.

Hannah McCarthy:
They want to get in, but they don't have a warrant.

Nick Capodice:
They don't. And this is the most important part. And before I tell you what happened next, I need to explain something called the exclusionary rule, which requires a quick pivot from Cleveland and Dolly Mapp's house to a breakneck history of the Fourth Amendment in the United States. You with me?

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. I'm hedging the horses to the coach.

Nick Capodice:
All right. It all starts with this guy in 1760, one Boston lawyer and patriot, James Otis uttering a line that is heard and many social studies classroom.

James Otis:
A man's house is his castle.

Hannah McCarthy:
Hang on for a minute. Yes, James Otis did say that, but it actually started with this guy in 1604.

That we would not understand why every man's home is his castle, why there should be due process of law, but for their framing by Sir Edward Coke.

Hannah McCarthy:
Edward Coke was a judge in England who issued a ruling saying that there were strict limitations on sheriffs entering homes and issuing writs. And his opinion called a man's home, his castle and fortress.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, Otis took that and turned it into one of the reasons we have the Fourth Amendment. He gave a five hour speech in a court case against what were called writs of assistance. Under British rule, a writ of assistance could be granted to give authorities the freedom to search anyone's home at any time for evidence of smuggling. And if they found anything that incriminated you in any crime whatsoever, you could go to jail. Otis, by the way, had a sad final chapter in his life. I'm not going to get into it here, but let's just say he was killed by a bolt of lightning. So we have the Fourth Amendment, the first part which says, quote, the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, which sounds good. But as we have learned, every amendment looks nice on paper, but it doesn't mean much until it's tested in the courts. If the police search your home without a warrant, can they use what they find in a court of law? The exclusionary rule says that that evidence cannot be used. It is excluded.

Hannah McCarthy:
Ok, that I know pretty much from watching TV police procedurals like a lawyer finds out that the police got evidence illegally and then that evidence cannot be used in court.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, because it's not only that evidence that is tainted, but all other evidence found thereafter because of the first evidence is also tainted and unusable. This is referred to by a lovely lawyer term of art, fruit from a poisonous tree.

Hannah McCarthy:
How long did it take after the Fourth Amendment was ratified for the exclusionary rule to be tested in a Supreme Court case?

Nick Capodice:
123 years. Case number one 1914, Weeks v. United States.

Nick Capodice:
Freemont Weeks was arrested by federal marshals at Union Station in Kansas City for the charge of illegally selling lottery tickets in the mail. Police officers broke into his home. They didn't have a warrant and they took all his mail, all his books and according to the court record, all his candies and clothes, they took anything that could be used as evidence.

Hannah McCarthy:
And was the guy guilty, had he been selling lottery tickets in the mail?

Nick Capodice:
Oh, yeah, without a doubt, they found lottery stuff everywhere. They basically found a table with a bunch of envelopes and a bunch of lottery tickets.

Nick Capodice:
However, Weeks' case went to the Supreme Court where they ruled on this question, could that evidence from an illegal search be used in a case?

Hannah McCarthy:
So what did the court say? Was the evidence admissible?

Nick Capodice:
Absolutely not. A unanimous decision cementing the exclusionary rule in federal law. You can't do that for federal cases.

Hannah McCarthy:
OK, for federal cases, but not state cases.

Nick Capodice:
Right. Some states upheld what was called the Weeks rule and some didn't. And that brings us to our second case, Wolfe v. Colorado, 1949, Dr. Julius Wolfe was arrested in Denver for conspiracy to perform abortions. And the prosecution confiscated his appointment books without a warrant. And his case went to the Supreme Court where they were to rule on whether or not the Fourth Amendment applies to the states.

Hannah McCarthy:
Does it?

Nick Capodice:
Yes and no. Here's Tracey Maclin again.

Tracey Maclin:
While Wolfe said the Fourth Amendment applies to the states, the Wolf majority also said the exclusionary rule does not apply to the states. So that was kind of a split decision. They said, yes, states must comply with the Fourth Amendment, but they don't have to follow the exclusionary rule, which, of course, means force that really does apply to states because they know, even though we know we shouldn't be doing it, we shouldn't be violating people's rights, we shouldn't search their homes. We shouldn't stop their cars, it really doesn't matter because the evidence comes in.

Hannah McCarthy:
Therefore, states could use evidence that the authorities got without a warrant.

Nick Capodice:
They could. And there were punitive measures to discourage this. The police could be issued a fine or given a demotion. But in essence, it's left to the states to decide if they use the evidence or not. And that brings us to the home of Dollree Mapp.

Dolly Mapp:
Most of my friends call me Dolly. Very few called me Dollree.

Nick Capodice:
The cops showed up at Mapp's door and demanded entry. Here's Vince Warren again.

Vince Warren:
And they essentially bum rushed her. She closed the door. She tried to call her lawyer. The police knocked down the door after her, refusing, allowing them to come in for lack of a warrant.

Tracey Maclin:
They showed her a piece of paper. She grabbed the paper from one of the officers and as the court described, later stuck it in her bosom. There was a physical encounter in which the cops retrieved the paper. Eventually, it was clear that there was no warrant.

Vince Warren:
They put her in handcuffs, they dragged her upstairs and they ransacked the house, purportedly looking for this bomber. Now, they didn't find the bomber. He wasn't there, but they did find in a trunk in the basement some point and they ended up arresting her not for harboring a bomber, but for having porn in her basement.

Hannah McCarthy:
I just I'm so curious. Can you give me any gyrated specifics on what they found in the basement?

Tracey Maclin:
The search revealed four books: Affairs of a Troubador, Little Darlings, London Stage Affairs and memories of a hotel man and a hand drawn picture, all of which were allegedly obscene.

Nick Capodice:
In a later interview, Dolly said that these books and an unloaded pistol that the cops found these belonged to a former tenant. She didn't think she was in any trouble, but nevertheless, she was arrested.

Tracey Maclin:
She was eventually sentenced to prison and given a seven year indeterminate sentence based on the obscenity that was found in her home.

Hannah McCarthy:
Seven years? And how does a case about owning lewd comic books become a landmark Fourth Amendment opinion?

Vince Warren:
The Mapp v Ohio case is an interesting map, if you will, of how legal issues can be intertwined with each other. Again, it started out as a search for a bomber. It went to the Supreme Court as an obscenity case, and then it ended up being a broad Fourth Amendment case that really set the stage for how we defined privacy rights versus the police. And the way that that flip was that the court looked at the question of the obscenity conviction. But you can't really look at that without looking at the nature of the evidence and how it was obtained.

Nick Capodice:
You remember, Wolfe v Colorado?

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, that's the one that said that states can decide if they follow the exclusionary rule.

Nick Capodice:
The justice who wrote that opinion was also on the bench during the map trial. And in the oral argument, one justice asked the advocate for Mapp.

That means you're asking us to overrule Wolfe against Colorado?

Nick Capodice:
And the advocate is like,

A.L. Kearns:
No, I don't believe we are, all that we're asking...

Nick Capodice:
So he wants to keep this as a case about this antiquated obscenity law. But then a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union is allowed to give what's called an amicus curiae brief. That means an interested party. A friend of the court, amicus curiae briefs are from people not directly involved with the case, but deeply interested and affected by the outcome. And this lawyer from ACLU says.

Bernard Berkman:
In response to a question which was directed to counsel for the settlement, that we are asking this court to reconsider Wolfe versus Colorado.

Vince Warren:
And so the broader question is that I think reaches beyond both bombing and obscenity is how do we make sure that the police officers are complying with the Fourth Amendment? Because if police officers don't police officers don't comply with the Fourth Amendment, we essentially have no Fourth Amendment protections under the Constitution. So the court was really looking at the idea that police officers cannot use the Fourth Amendment as an on off switch, that they can just turn it off when they want to go into somebody else's house and then they can turn it back on at some point, at some later date.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. Do don't leave me hanging. How did the court rule the verdict?

Nick Capodice:
In the case of Mapp v. Ohio, the court rules in favor of Dolly map. In a 6-3 decision, the court ruled via interpreting the Fourth Amendment and the due process clause in the 14th Amendment, which is called the incorporation doctrine, that the Fourth Amendment and the exclusionary rule are both incorporated, which mean they now apply to the states, all the states, all of us, all the time. And there you have it.

Hannah McCarthy:
I can see why you love this case. It's fascinating. There's so much drama, so many macguffins. You know what macguffins are right.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah. You've told me about macguffins quite a few times. It's like a red herring.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah. It's like the plot device that Alfred Hitchcock is famous for. It's the thing you think the movie's about isn't actually important at all. But the porn and the gun and the bombing suspect, they were all mcguffins. The police found the suspect, by the way. He was staying at Mapp's house, but he was quickly found not guilty of any involvement in the bombing whatsoever.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. So I always want to know when looking at any Supreme Court case, how does this case affect me? How does Mapp v. Ohio resonate today in modern courts?

Nick Capodice:
This is something Vince brought up at the end of our interview. So first off, there are now, 50 years later, myriad exceptions to the exclusionary rule. This is how states can pass stop and frisk laws, for example, or use the automobile exception to use evidence from searching your car without a warrant. And most of all, what can and does happen when you do what Dollree Mapp did, when you say "no."

Vince Warren:
And so, for example, walking down the street, if a police officer asks you to do the hokey pokey and turn yourself around, you can say, no, I'm not going to do that. There's no reasonable basis to ask me to do that. And under the Fourth Amendment, you're absolutely right. That's a seizure and that they can't ask you to do that. However, you do pay a price by not complying with the police officers in this day and age, particularly if you're Black and Brown. So in some ways, the challenge of Dolly Mapp is still with us. With people walking down the street today, we can always say, no, you're not going to do that. But as we've seen recently, these types of situations can escalate so quickly and so violently and sometimes even leading to death that it makes us think, does the Fourth Amendment actually really protect us in the way that the framers intended as a as a shield against unlawful police activity? Or is it something that courts are going to look at as a mere inconvenience to what is essentially a law enforcement tactic that they ultimately support? And these are questions that we're confronting in our society today.

Nick Capodice:
Mapp v Ohio, nineteen sixty one. We got lots of other Supreme Court cases coming up in the next few weeks, so stay tuned. And if any of you are curious about the exclusionary rule and its exceptions, we made a fun little video on our website, civics101podcast.org.

Nick Capodice:
Today's episode was produced by me, Nick Capodice with You Hannah McCarthy, thank you.

Hannah McCarthy:
Oh, you're welcome. Our staff includes Jackie Fulton. Erika Janik is our executive producer and runs the numbers for two Pillsbury.

Nick Capodice:
Music in this episode by Scott Holmes, Randy Butternubbs, Eric Kilkenny, KiLoKaz, Blue Dot Sessions and Alex Ball, who composed this wonderful 70s cop themed show music you're hearing right now. You can check him out on Spotify.

Hannah McCarthy:
Civics 101 is made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.

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Transcript

Adia Samba-Quee: [00:00:02.93] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

A.L. Kearns: [00:00:07.46] We have a situation here rising in Cuyahoga County, Ohio.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:16.07] Hannah, I want to tell you a story about a woman in Ohio, a woman named Dalle Rehmat.

A.L. Kearns: [00:00:21.65] She is a woman without any record whatsoever from a criminal point of view.

Nick Capodice: [00:00:29.06] She lived in a quiet neighborhood in Cleveland. And one day some police officers came to her house. And before I tell you what happened next, I just want to say that people out there might think of Supreme Court cases as these stuffy procedural things. But at their heart, these cases are stories. They have a plot, characters, struggles, victory, defeat. But when it comes to epic sagas, the [00:01:00.00] case we're talking about today, Mapp v Ohio, pretty much takes the cake.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:05.81] Well, now you've got me curious. What is it got?

Nick Capodice: [00:01:08.63] What's it got? This case has got it all Hannah!

Nick Capodice: [00:01:11.99] And it starts with a bomb. Numbers runners. Operators. An unloaded gun. Crooked cops, pornography, a young Don King.

Don King: [00:01:24.38] I'm not trying to win a popularity contest.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:26.27] And at the center of it all, a true hero who stood in her doorway and said, if you don't have a warrant, you're not coming in. This is the case that makes the Fourth Amendment actually apply to You.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:40.24] This is Civics 101, I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:42.16] I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice: [00:01:43.18] And this is the first of four episodes about privacy and the Supreme Court for cases that change the rules about what the government can and can't do when it comes to your home, your locker, your purse or your body. This is Mapp v Ohio, 1961.

Vince Warren: [00:02:02.60] So [00:02:00.00] Mapp versus Ohio is a case about the police looking for a bomber and ending up arresting a woman for having porn in her basement. My name is Vince Warren. I'm the executive director of the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York City.

Tracey Maclin: [00:02:20.84] Well, there was a bombing at Don King's home in Cleveland, Ohio. The police suspected that the bomber was that Dolree Mapp's home. My name is Tracey Maclin and I am a law professor at Boston University.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:36.62] Pause here. Are we talking about the Don King,

Nick Capodice: [00:02:41.00] The one and only. Before he rose to fame as a boxing promoter for Muhammad Ali and others, Don King ran what was called a numbers racket in Cleveland.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:50.63] What's a numbers racket?

Nick Capodice: [00:02:51.74] It's like an illegal local lottery, sometimes run by a crime syndicate, sometimes far less nefarious. Numbers [00:03:00.00] Runners go around the city and they take bets on three numbers. In Cleveland, they used the closing stock market results in the evening papers to determine the winning lottery numbers. And if you pick the right trio, you could win like a couple hundred bucks.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:13.01] You've got Don King running a numbers racket. Somebody bombs his home and the police think the guy is it at Dolree Mapp's house.

Vince Warren: [00:03:21.59] And so they showed up at the door. They said, we're here to search the property. Dolly says, can you show me a search warrant? Now, they didn't have a search warrant. So what's a search warrant? A search warrant is when a police officer goes to a judge or a magistrate and swears out with an affidavit. Here is the probable cause to believe that we will find the things that we think that we're going to find in this house. They have to convince a court based on reasonable evidence that that would likely be the case.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:50.84] They want to get in, but they don't have a warrant.

Nick Capodice: [00:03:52.79] They don't. And this is the most important part. And before I tell you what happened next, I need to explain something called the exclusionary [00:04:00.00] rule, which requires a quick pivot from Cleveland and Dolly Mapp's house to a breakneck history of the Fourth Amendment in the United States. You with me?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:09.50] All right. I'm hedging the horses to the coach.

Nick Capodice: [00:04:11.51] All right. It all starts with this guy in 1760, one Boston lawyer and patriot, James Otis uttering a line that is heard and many social studies classroom.

James Otis: [00:04:21.26] A man's house is his castle.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:23.12] Hang on for a minute. Yes, James Otis did say that, but it actually started with this guy in 1604.

[00:04:33.17] That we would not understand why every man's home is his castle, why there should be due process of law, but for their framing by Sir Edward Coke.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:40.91] Edward Coke was a judge in England who issued a ruling saying that there were strict limitations on sheriffs entering homes and issuing writs. And his opinion called a man's home, his castle and fortress.

Nick Capodice: [00:04:54.50] Yeah, Otis took that and turned it into one of the reasons we have the Fourth Amendment. He gave a five hour [00:05:00.00] speech in a court case against what were called writs of assistance. Under British rule, a writ of assistance could be granted to give authorities the freedom to search anyone's home at any time for evidence of smuggling. And if they found anything that incriminated you in any crime whatsoever, you could go to jail. Otis, by the way, had a sad final chapter in his life. I'm not going to get into it here, but let's just say he was killed by a bolt of lightning. So we have the Fourth Amendment, the first part which says, quote, the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, which sounds good. But as we have learned, every amendment looks nice on paper, but it doesn't mean much until it's tested in the courts. If the police search your home without a warrant, can they use what they find in a court of law? The exclusionary rule says that that evidence cannot be used. It is excluded.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:58.28] Ok, that I know pretty much [00:06:00.00] from watching TV police procedurals like a lawyer finds out that the police got evidence illegally and then that evidence cannot be used in court.

Nick Capodice: [00:06:10.55] Yeah, because it's not only that evidence that is tainted, but all other evidence found thereafter because of the first evidence is also tainted and unusable. This is referred to by a lovely lawyer term of art, fruit from a poisonous tree.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:26.18] How long did it take after the Fourth Amendment was ratified for the exclusionary rule to be tested in a Supreme Court case?

Nick Capodice: [00:06:33.44] 123 years. Case number one 1914, Weeks v. United States.

Nick Capodice: [00:06:39.95] Freemont Weeks was arrested by federal marshals at Union Station in Kansas City for the charge of illegally selling lottery tickets in the mail. Police officers broke into his home. They didn't have a warrant and they took all his mail, all his books and according to the court record, all his candies and clothes, they took anything that could be used as evidence.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:00.17] And [00:07:00.00] was the guy guilty, had he been selling lottery tickets in the mail?

Nick Capodice: [00:07:03.68] Oh, yeah, without a doubt, they found lottery stuff everywhere. They basically found a table with a bunch of envelopes and a bunch of lottery tickets.

Nick Capodice: [00:07:11.33] However, Weeks' case went to the Supreme Court where they ruled on this question, could that evidence from an illegal search be used in a case?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:19.61] So what did the court say? Was the evidence admissible?

Nick Capodice: [00:07:22.46] Absolutely not. A unanimous decision cementing the exclusionary rule in federal law. You can't do that for federal cases.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:32.91] OK, for federal cases, but not state cases.

Nick Capodice: [00:07:36.62] Right. Some states upheld what was called the Weeks rule and some didn't. And that brings us to our second case, Wolf v. Colorado, 1949, Dr. Julius Wolf was arrested in Denver for conspiracy to perform abortions. And the prosecution confiscated his appointment books without a warrant. And his case went to the Supreme Court where they were to rule on whether or not the Fourth Amendment applies [00:08:00.00] to the states.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:01.34] Does it?

Nick Capodice: [00:08:02.60] Yes and no. Here's Tracey Maclin again.

Tracey Maclin: [00:08:05.48] While Wolf said the Fourth Amendment applies to the states, the Wolf majority also said the exclusionary rule does not apply to the states. So that was kind of a split decision. They said, yes, states must comply with the Fourth Amendment, but they don't have to follow the exclusionary rule, which, of course, means force that really does apply to states because they know, even though we know we shouldn't be doing it, we shouldn't be violating people's rights, we shouldn't search their homes. We shouldn't stop their cars, it really doesn't matter because the evidence comes in.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:36.74] Therefore, states could use evidence that the authorities got without a warrant.

Nick Capodice: [00:08:42.41] They could. And there were punitive measures to discourage this. The police could be issued a fine or given a demotion. But in essence, it's left to the states to decide if they use the evidence or not. And that brings us to the home of Dollree Mapp.

Dolly Mapp: [00:08:56.18] Most of my friends call me Dolly. Very few called me Dollree. [00:09:00.00]

Nick Capodice: [00:09:00.11] The cops showed up at Mapp's door and demanded entry. Here's Vince Warren again.

Vince Warren: [00:09:04.85] And they essentially bum rushed her. She closed the door. She tried to call her lawyer. The police knocked down the door after her, refusing, allowing them to come in for lack of a warrant.

Tracey Maclin: [00:09:14.57] They showed her a piece of paper. She grabbed the paper from one of the officers and as the court described, later stuck it in her bosom. There was a physical encounter in which the cops retrieved the paper. Eventually, it was clear that there was no warrant.

Vince Warren: [00:09:31.31] They put her in handcuffs, they dragged her upstairs and they ransacked the house, purportedly looking for this bomber. Now, they didn't find the bomber. He wasn't there, but they did find in a trunk in the basement some point and they ended up arresting her not for harboring a bomber, but for having porn in her basement.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:54.47] I just I'm so curious. Can you give me any gyrated specifics on what they found in [00:10:00.00] the basement?

Tracey Maclin: [00:10:03.77] The search revealed four books: Affairs of a Troubador, Little Darlings, London Stage Affairs and memories of a hotel man and a hand drawn picture, all of which were allegedly obscene.

Nick Capodice: [00:10:16.82] In a later interview, Dolly said that these books and an unloaded pistol that the cops found these belonged to a former tenant. She didn't think she was in any trouble, but nevertheless, she was arrested.

Tracey Maclin: [00:10:27.47] She was eventually sentenced to prison and given a seven year indeterminate sentence based on the obscenity that was found in her home.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:35.72] Seven years? And how does a case about owning lewd comic books become a landmark Fourth Amendment opinion?

Vince Warren: [00:10:43.40] The Mapp v Ohio case is an interesting map, if you will, of how legal issues can be intertwined with each other. Again, it started out as a search for a bomber. It went to the Supreme Court as an obscenity case, and then [00:11:00.00] it ended up being a broad Fourth Amendment case that really set the stage for how we defined privacy rights versus the police. And the way that that flip was that the court looked at the question of the obscenity conviction. But you can't really look at that without looking at the nature of the evidence and how it was obtained.

Nick Capodice: [00:11:20.75] You remember, Wolf v Colorado?

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:22.13] Yeah, that's the one that said that states can decide if they follow the exclusionary rule.

Nick Capodice: [00:11:25.70] The justice who wrote that opinion was also on the bench during the map trial. And in the oral argument, one justice asked the advocate for Mapp.

[00:11:35.03] That means you're asking us to overrule Wolf against Colorado?

Nick Capodice: [00:11:38.39] And the advocate is like,

A.L. Kearns: [00:11:39.89] No, I don't believe we are, all that we're asking...

Nick Capodice: [00:11:43.55] So he wants to keep this as a case about this antiquated obscenity law. But then a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union is allowed to give what's called an amicus curiae brief. That means an interested party. A friend of the court, amicus curiae briefs are from people not [00:12:00.00] directly involved with the case, but deeply interested and affected by the outcome. And this lawyer from ACLU says.

Bernard Berkman: [00:12:06.41] In response to a question which was directed to counsel for the settlement, that we are asking this court to reconsider Wolf versus Colorado.

Vince Warren: [00:12:18.05] And so the broader question is that I think reaches beyond both bombing and obscenity is how do we make sure that the police officers are complying with the Fourth Amendment? Because if police officers don't police officers don't comply with the Fourth Amendment, we essentially have no Fourth Amendment protections under the Constitution. So the court was really looking at the idea that police officers cannot use the Fourth Amendment as an on off switch, that they can just turn it off when they want to go into somebody else's house and then they can turn it back on at some point, at some later date.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:52.10] All right. Do don't leave me hanging. How did the court rule the verdict?

Nick Capodice: [00:12:55.79] In the case of Mapp v. Ohio, the court rules in favor of Dolly [00:13:00.00] map. In a 6-3 decision, the court ruled via interpreting the Fourth Amendment and the due process clause in the 14th Amendment, which is called the incorporation doctrine, that the Fourth Amendment and the exclusionary rule are both incorporated, which mean they now apply to the states, all the states, all of us, all the time. And there you have it.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:24.86] I can see why you love this case. It's fascinating. There's so much drama, so many macguffins. You know what macguffins are right.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:30.89] Yeah. You've told me about macguffins quite a few times. It's like a red herring.

Nick Capodice: [00:13:34.79] Yeah. It's like the plot device that Alfred Hitchcock is famous for. It's the thing you think the movie's about isn't actually important at all. But the porn and the gun and the bombing suspect, they were all mcguffins. The police found the suspect, by the way. He was staying at Mapp's house, but he was quickly found not guilty of any involvement in the bombing whatsoever.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:52.13] All right. So I always want to know when looking at any Supreme Court case, how does this case affect me? How does Mapp [00:14:00.00] v. Ohio resonate today in modern courts?

Nick Capodice: [00:14:04.49] This is something Vince brought up at the end of our interview. So first off, there are now, 50 years later, myriad exceptions to the exclusionary rule. This is how states can pass stop and frisk laws, for example, or use the automobile exception to use evidence from searching your car without a warrant. And most of all, what can and does happen when you do what Dollree Mapp did, when you say "no."

Vince Warren: [00:14:32.03] And so, for example, walking down the street, if a police officer asks you to do the hokey pokey and turn yourself around, you can say, no, I'm not going to do that. There's no reasonable basis to ask me to do that. And under the Fourth Amendment, you're absolutely right. That's a seizure and that they can't ask you to do that. However, you do pay a price by not complying with the police officers in this day and age, particularly if you're Black and Brown. So in some ways, the [00:15:00.00] challenge of Dolly Mapp is still with us. With people walking down the street today, we can always say, no, you're not going to do that. But as we've seen recently, these types of situations can escalate so quickly and so violently and sometimes even leading to death that it makes us think, does the Fourth Amendment actually really protect us in the way that the framers intended as a as a shield against unlawful police activity? Or is it something that courts are going to look at as a mere inconvenience to what is essentially a law enforcement tactic that they ultimately support? And these are questions that we're confronting in our society today.

Nick Capodice: [00:15:49.85] Mapp v Ohio, nineteen sixty one. We got lots of other Supreme Court cases coming up in the next few weeks, so stay tuned. And if any of you are curious about the exclusionary rule and its exceptions, [00:16:00.00] we made a fun little video on our website, civics101podcast.org.

Nick Capodice: [00:16:10.70] Today's episode was produced by me, Nick Capodice with You Hannah McCarthy, thank you.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:15.44] Oh, you're welcome. Our staff includes Jackie Fulton. Erika Janik is our executive producer and runs the numbers for two Pillsbury.

Nick Capodice: [00:16:21.71] Music in this episode by Scott Holmes, Randy Butternubbs, Eric Kilkenny, KiLoKaz, Blue Dot Sessions and Alex Ball, who composed this wonderful 70s cop themed show music you're hearing right now. You can check him out on Spotify.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:34.85] Civics 101 is made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
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Electoral College Addendum

Today we’re revisiting one of the most requested and controversial topics from Civics 101; the electoral college. High School social studies teacher Neal Walter Young talks about some of the points he debates with his class when they dissect how we vote for the people who vote for the president.


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Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting,

The Electoral College votes, which occurred today, reflect the fact that even in the face of a public health crisis, unlike anything we've experienced in our lifetime, people voted. They voted in record numbers.

Nick Capodice:
Of the many, many questions that we've received over the last few months and episodes we've made in response, there is one topic that has dominated over all the others, the Electoral College.

Hannah McCarthy:
And it's not surprising. The 2020 election, like many elections before it, brought conversations about the Electoral College to the fore. But we've already done a big ol episode on the Electoral College for our starter kit series.

Nick Capodice:
That we did, Hannah, that we did. But before we close the book on the complicated system of how we vote for the people who vote for the president, I'd like to introduce you to Neal.

Neal Walter Young:
My name is Neal Walter Young. I am a teacher at Lawrence High School in Fairfield Maine. Go Bulldogs.

Nick Capodice:
Neal is a member of our cabinet. That's a group of educators from across the country who are designing lesson plans to pair with our episodes. And he wrote me a lovely e-mail about our Electoral College episode. He said that every year he has a lengthy, healthy debate in his class about the pros and the cons of the Electoral College system. And he wanted to share some of those points with us, some ideas that didn't make it into that episode. And he wanted to fix something we flat out got wrong. So that's what we're going to do today. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice:
And this is an addendum to our episode on the Electoral College.

Hannah McCarthy:
We got something flat out wrong. We got to start with that.

Nick Capodice:
In the episode, a guest misspoke and said that Maine and Nebraska each have two congressional districts.

Neal Walter Young:
And this is just Maine pride showing through. Even our own public radio misses this one sometimes. So Maine has its lonely two. Only two representatives in the House. Nebraska getting bigger, has three.

Hannah McCarthy:
Got it. And Maine has four electoral votes and Nebraska five. All right. What's next?

Nick Capodice:
The second point Neil made is that since we released the episode, there's been a 2020 Supreme Court ruling, Chiafolo v Washington that affects the Electoral College.

Mr. Chief Justice, with this court case, the question in these cases is straightforward. Do the states have the power to control the law of how an elector may vote?

Hannah McCarthy:
This is the case regarding faithless electors, right? Electors who vote for a candidate other than the one who won the state.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah.

Neal Walter Young:
In the Chiafolo ruling, what the Supreme Court said is that states can choose to force the hand of the electors in a number of ways. But what it makes clear is that this idea of faithless electors, those can be a thing of the past. There are many states in which there is no punishment whatsoever. And even those where there is a punishment, it tends not to be more than a thousand dollar fine. And we're in a close election and someone can switch and slap on the hand is a thousand dollars. That doesn't act as a really good bulwark against any funny business happening.

Hannah McCarthy:
So Neal's arguing that the Chiafolo ruling stops any funny business, as he put it, and could put an end to faithless electors, which would mean that electors would have to vote for the candidate who won the state no matter what they feel,

Nick Capodice:
Unless the candidate died before the electoral vote.

Hannah McCarthy:
But there is still the argument to be made that the framers wanted an elector to be able to be faithless, to generally be guided by the vote of the people, but to be able to make a judgment call on who to vote for.

Nick Capodice:
Right. But if you're someone who's all about the popular vote, it is hard to also be someone in favor of faithless electors because they're voting against the will of the people of that state. And this brings us to our third and final point of Neal's.

Neal Walter Young:
This is funny. I didn't realize it was like a legitimate rebuttal to that. So I hope any of the presenters on that, people who are legitimately many times more intelligent. So. In the last episode, it made it seem that the only argument for keeping the Electoral College is that it ensures smaller states to have a say in the process. But there are really many more areas of debate and reasons than just about this small state idea. If we think back to the constitutional convention, we think of the greatest minds at the time coming together to develop this new nation, and they were able to come to agreement on beautiful solutions to many difficult problems. We see federalism, we see separation of powers. And then when they're going to the end of deciding how to elect their president, no one likes the solution, right? It's thrown out. Should it be a direct popular vote? No, no, no, no. This isn't going to do. What about if we give it to Congress and they're like, no, that gets rid of separation of powers and they end up leaving for the weekend. They leave it to a committee to come up with a solution. And the solution they come up with is Byzantine.

Neal Walter Young:
It's complicated. It has all these different inner working parts. And essentially what they decide is that this will be good enough because we all already know that Washington is going to be president. So whatever the kinks are in this system, they'll be worked out as time goes along.

Nick Capodice:
Neal pointed out to me that early on some states like New York, didn't do a vote of the people at all. The state legislature appointed electors until 1820. It wasn't until 1828 that this idea that the people's vote should influence who the electors pick for president became a national norm.

Neal Walter Young:
A lot of the discussions we have about the Electoral College today are rooted in why don't we just use the popular vote? So I think it's helpful to remind ourselves that throughout history, when do you even have a popular vote? Is it 1828 when only white males can vote, albeit white males don't need to own land anymore at that point, is it? After we passed the 15th Amendment?

Nick Capodice:
The 15th Amendment, by the way, prohibits the federal government from denying a citizen's right to vote based on, quote, race, color or previous condition of servitude.

Neal Walter Young:
Is it after the 19th Amendment and now women are their right to vote, is being protected against states? Who would deny them that? Right? Is it up through the 1960s where we're talking about, again, 10 percent of African-Americans being registered to vote in Mississippi? So when we talk about popular vote, we should understand what we mean by that term and kind of what standard we'd like to set and feel comfortable for. There's never been an election where the majority of the American people have voted for a specific candidate.

Hannah McCarthy:
What does he mean by that?

Nick Capodice:
Let's take 1968 as an example.

On our board showing the popular vote. Hubert Humphrey is still ahead, but barely there. Each now has roughly 41 one percent. Humphrey has a lead.

Nick Capodice:
That election, Richard Nixon versus Hubert Humphrey, had the highest turnout in modern history, with 60 percent of eligible voters voting. Nixon won the popular vote by less than one percentage point. And we don't know how that other 40 percent of people would have voted.

Neal Walter Young:
If we replace it, what are we comfortable with to ensure that if a candidate we have five, six, seven candidates such as think about elections in the recent past in Mexico, where you do have candidates winning with twenty three percent of the vote, and then step back and say what percentage of eligible voters even participated? And then you start getting down to very, very small percentages of the entire country's population. And does that still lend as much legitimacy in the eyes of voters?

Nick Capodice:
And that hypothetical switch to a popular vote system is also pretty tricky.

Neal Walter Young:
Another thing that comes in is that the electoral system is handled at the state level. Right. And this is one of the hard parts about the Electoral College is it's really difficult to change one part. You kind of have to change multiple parts that come together. So if we change to a popular vote, how is that regulated through each state? Because every state does its elections a little bit differently. Who's allowed to vote? Felons being a fantastic example. Can you vote from within jail, as you can in the state of Maine and Vermont? Are there voter ID laws in your state? Can you have no excuse absentee ballots or do you need an excuse? So we have to figure out how do we ensure that the requirements in each state are the same, giving up some power to the federal government? Is that a good thing or a bad thing?

Hannah McCarthy:
I am truly grateful that Neal brought these issues up. I'm going to be up all night thinking about this.

Nick Capodice:
Me too. And it was especially helpful to hear from somebody who has this debate in his classroom. Year after year.

Neal Walter Young:
I have no idea what the right answer is, it's it's one of those things where I really have no clue Electoral College, good or bad. It's one of those things where you kind of get stuck in the mud a little bit, where you're like, well, I know what the problems are, the devil, you know. And then just enough unknowns about if we go to popular vote, enough that make me nervous of what are we going to find out about this after it's in place.

Nick Capodice:
So there's the addendum to our Electoral College episode, by the way, if you're interested in the work of the cabinet, which is our advisory board of teachers, we're releasing their Civics 101 activities at Civics101podcast.org/lessonplans. All right.

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Transcript

Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting,

The Electoral College votes, which occurred today, reflect the fact that even in the face of a public health crisis, unlike anything we've experienced in our lifetime, people voted. They voted in record numbers.

Nick Capodice: Of the many, many questions that we've received over the last few months and episodes we've made in response, there is one topic that has dominated over all the others, the Electoral College.

Hannah McCarthy: And it's not surprising. The 2020 election, like many elections before it, brought conversations about the Electoral College to the fore. But we've already done a big ol episode on the Electoral College for our starter kit series.

Nick Capodice: That we did, Hannah, that we did. But before we close the book on the complicated system of how we vote for the people who vote for the president, I'd like to introduce you to Neal.

Neal Walter Young: My name is Neal Walter Young. I am a teacher [00:01:00.00] at Lawrence High School in Fairfield Maine. Go Bulldogs.

Nick Capodice: Neal is a member of our cabinet. That's a group of educators from across the country who are designing lesson plans to pair with our episodes. And he wrote me a lovely e-mail about our Electoral College episode. He said that every year he has a lengthy, healthy debate in his class about the pros and the cons of the Electoral College system. And he wanted to share some of those points with us, some ideas that didn't make it into that episode. And he wanted to fix something we flat out got wrong. So that's what we're going to do today. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy,

Nick Capodice: And this is an addendum to our episode on the Electoral College.

Hannah McCarthy: We got something flat out wrong. We got to start with that.

Nick Capodice: In the episode, a guest misspoke and said that Maine and Nebraska each have two congressional districts.

Neal Walter Young: And this is just Maine pride showing through. Even our own public radio misses this one sometimes. So Maine has its lonely two. Only two representatives [00:02:00.00] in the House. Nebraska getting bigger, has three.

Hannah McCarthy: Got it. And Maine has four electoral votes and Nebraska five. All right. What's next?

Nick Capodice: The second point Neil made is that since we released the episode, there's been a 2020 Supreme Court ruling, Chiafolo v Washington that affects the Electoral College.

Mr. Chief Justice, with this court case, the question in these cases is straightforward. Do the states have the power to control the law of how an elector may vote?

Hannah McCarthy: This is the case regarding faithless electors, right? Electors who vote for a candidate other than the one who won the state.

Nick Capodice: Yeah.

Neal Walter Young: In the Chiafolo ruling, what the Supreme Court said is that states can choose to force the hand of the electors in a number of ways. But what it makes clear is that this idea of faithless electors, [00:03:00.00] those can be a thing of the past. There are many states in which there is no punishment whatsoever. And even those where there is a punishment, it tends not to be more than a thousand dollar fine. And we're in a close election and someone can switch and slap on the hand is a thousand dollars. That doesn't act as a really good bulwark against any funny business happening.

Hannah McCarthy: So Neal's arguing that the Chiafolo ruling stops any funny business, as he put it, and could put an end to faithless electors, which would mean that electors would have to vote for the candidate who won the state no matter what they feel,

Nick Capodice: Unless the candidate died before the electoral vote.

Hannah McCarthy: But there is still the argument to be made that the framers wanted an elector to be able to be faithless, to generally be guided by the vote of the people, but to be able to make a judgment call on who to vote for.

Nick Capodice: Right. But if you're [00:04:00.00] someone who's all about the popular vote, it is hard to also be someone in favor of faithless electors because they're voting against the will of the people of that state. And this brings us to our third and final point of Neal's.

Neal Walter Young: This is funny. I didn't realize it was like a legitimate rebuttal to that. So I hope any of the presenters on that, people who are legitimately many times more intelligent. So. In the last episode, it made it seem that the only argument for keeping the Electoral College is that it ensures smaller states to have a say in the process. But there are really many more areas of debate and reasons than just about this small state idea. If we think back to the constitutional convention, we think of the greatest minds at the time coming together to develop this new nation, and they were able to come to agreement [00:05:00.00] on beautiful solutions to many difficult problems. We see federalism, we see separation of powers. And then when they're going to the end of deciding how to elect their president, no one likes the solution, right? It's thrown out. Should it be a direct popular vote? No, no, no, no. This isn't going to do. What about if we give it to Congress and they're like, no, that gets rid of separation of powers and they end up leaving for the weekend. They leave it to a committee to come up with a solution. And the solution they come up with is Byzantine.

Neal Walter Young: It's complicated. It has all these different inner working parts. And essentially what they decide is that this will be good enough because we all already know that Washington is going to be president. So whatever the kinks are in this system, they'll be worked out as time goes along.

Nick Capodice: Neal pointed out to me that early on some states like New York, didn't do a vote of the people at all. The state legislature appointed [00:06:00.00] electors until 1820. It wasn't until 1828 that this idea that the people's vote should influence who the electors pick for president became a national norm.

Neal Walter Young: A lot of the discussions we have about the Electoral College today are rooted in why don't we just use the popular vote? So I think it's helpful to remind ourselves that throughout history, when do you even have a popular vote? Is it 1828 when only white males can vote, albeit white males don't need to own land anymore at that point, is it? After we passed the 15th Amendment?

Nick Capodice: The 15th Amendment, by the way, prohibits the federal government from denying a citizen's right to vote based on, quote, race, color or previous condition of servitude.

Neal Walter Young: Is it after the 19th Amendment and now women are their right to vote, is being protected against states? Who would deny them that? Right? Is it up through the 1960s where we're talking about, again, 10 percent of African-Americans being registered to vote [00:07:00.00] in Mississippi? So when we talk about popular vote, we should understand what we mean by that term and kind of what standard we'd like to set and feel comfortable for. There's never been an election where the majority of the American people have voted for a specific candidate.

Hannah McCarthy: What does he mean by that?

Nick Capodice: Let's take 1968 as an example.

On our board showing the popular vote. Hubert Humphrey is still ahead, but barely there. Each now has roughly 41 one percent. Humphrey has a lead.

Nick Capodice: That election, Richard Nixon versus Hubert Humphrey, had the highest turnout in modern history, with 60 percent of eligible voters voting. Nixon won the popular vote by less than one percentage point. And we don't know how that other 40 percent of people would have voted.

Neal Walter Young: If we replace it, what are we comfortable with to ensure that if a candidate we have five, six, seven candidates such [00:08:00.00] as think about elections in the recent past in Mexico, where you do have candidates winning with twenty three percent of the vote, and then step back and say what percentage of eligible voters even participated? And then you start getting down to very, very small percentages of the entire country's population. And does that still lend as much legitimacy in the eyes of voters?

Nick Capodice: And that hypothetical switch to a popular vote system is also pretty tricky.

Neal Walter Young: Another thing that comes in is that the electoral system is handled at the state level. Right. And this is one of the hard parts about the Electoral College is it's really difficult to change one part. You kind of have to change multiple parts that come together. So if we change to a popular vote, how is that regulated through each state? Because every state does its elections a little bit differently. Who's allowed to vote? Felons being a fantastic example. Can you vote from within jail, as you can in the state of Maine and Vermont? Are [00:09:00.00] there voter ID laws in your state? Can you have no excuse absentee ballots or do you need an excuse? So we have to figure out how do we ensure that the requirements in each state are the same, giving up some power to the federal government? Is that a good thing or a bad thing?

Hannah McCarthy: I am truly grateful that Neal brought these issues up. I'm going to be up all night thinking about this.

Nick Capodice: Me too. And it was especially helpful to hear from somebody who has this debate in his classroom. Year after year.

Neal Walter Young: I have no idea what the right answer is, it's it's one of those things where I really have no clue Electoral College, good or bad. It's one of those things where you kind of get stuck in the mud a little bit, where you're like, well, I know what the problems are, the devil, you know. And then just enough unknowns about if we go to popular vote, enough that make me nervous of what are we going to find out about this after it's in place.

Nick Capodice: So there's the addendum to our Electoral College [00:10:00.00] episode, by the way, if you're interested in the work of the cabinet, which is our advisory board of teachers, we're releasing their Civics 101 activities at Civics101podcast.org/lessonplans.


 
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Insurrection, Protest, Terrorism, Sedition, Coup

When it comes to discussing the events at the Capitol building on January 6, teachers have risen to the challenge. Meredith Baker, who teaches social studies in Virginia, suggests the first step should be defining five very charged terms. And that’s what we do today.

To view the archives of #sschat and see how teachers are reacting to current events in their classrooms, click here.

Also, click here to see the report on terrorism in the United States from the Center for Strategic and International Studies.


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Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

We were just told that there has been tear gas in the rotunda and we're being instructed to each of us get gas masks...

Nick Capodice:
All right, I don't usually come to Civics 101 episodes from a personal standpoint. We have a topic we want to explore. We call guests to explain it to us. We edit it together as a team, and we try to maintain a professional distance from the subject. But I frankly don't know any other way to start this episode. I'm just going to say I was sick and angry when I saw the attack on the Capitol on January 6th. And that night I thought, how on earth are we going to talk about this on the show? And thankfully, there was another group of people wrestling with the exact same question. There's this community of social studies and civics educators that we regularly interact with on the show. They're called #sschat. They hold weekly live discussions on Twitter where teachers all over the country share resources and lesson plans. They give advice to each other.

Nick Capodice:
They talk about what their kids are talking about, they air grievances. And they hosted an emergency chat session on the night of the sixth with one question. How are you going to talk about this with your students tomorrow?

Nick Capodice:
Meredith Baker, who teaches social studies in Virginia, said she would focus purely on definitions. So that's what we're going to do today.

Nick Capodice:
You're listening to Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
And today we're going to talk about some basic dictionary definitions with Meredith and hear how her students responded to the events on January 6th.

Meredith Baker:
I wanted to make sure that we did that in class because in my class, meaning matters. Context matters, language matters, accuracy matters. Truth matters. And so I wanted to make sure we were all using the same terms in the same way.

Hannah McCarthy:
What terms did she define?

Nick Capodice:
Insurrection, protest, coup, terrorism and sedition.

Hannah McCarthy:
OK, so let's go through these one at a time. What is insurrection?

Meredith Baker:
So insurrection is defined as the act or instance of open revolt against civil authority or a constituted government.

Nick Capodice:
I asked Meredith, was the attack on the Capitol on the 6th an insurrection?

Meredith Baker:
Absolutely. I think that having looked at the headlines and reading the accounts of what happened, this was a revolt against a constituted government.

Hannah McCarthy:
Are there other instances of insurrections in U.S. history?

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, one of the most famous ones has come up a lot in our show, Shay's Rebellion. In 1786, Daniel Shays and his followers led an armed insurrection in Massachusetts to protest foreclosures of farms due to debt. And it was one of the events that showed the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation and ultimately led to the need for a new constitution.

Hannah McCarthy:
Let's move on to protest.

Meredith Baker:
A protest is participation in a public demonstration in opposition to something.

Hannah McCarthy:
I feel like these terms aren't mutually exclusive, right? Like a protest can also be an insurrection.

Meredith Baker:
Right. Or it can start as one thing and turn into another.

Hannah McCarthy:
This next term is one that I am most eager to define because it's been hinted at in media coverage and historians have debated its usage to describe the events of the 6th. What exactly is a coup?

Meredith Baker:
A coup is defined as the removal of an existing government from power, usually through violent means. And typically it's an illegal, unconstitutional seizure of power by a political faction in the military or a dictator.

Hannah McCarthy:
Has there ever been a coup in U.S. history?

Meredith Baker:
So in Wilmington in 1898, Wilmington, North Carolina, there was a fusionist government that was made up of African-Americans and and whites and that was violently overthrown. And they were duly elected. They were removed from power forcibly. So, yes, that happened on a state level.

Nick Capodice:
An unknown number of Black Americans were murdered by white supremacists in Wilmington in November of 1898 with the express purpose of overthrowing its multiracial government. Isaac Stanley-Baker in The Washington Post referred to this as the only successful coup in American history.

Hannah McCarthy:
Where did Meredith and her students stand on the usage of that term for January 6th, 2021?

Meredith Baker:
I've seen this called a coup or an attempted coup, but when my class discussed this definition, we had the same reservations as many historians that I've read, and that is that this was not, to our knowledge, backed by a military power or a single government entity or something like that to give it that designation. So my students were hesitant to call it a coup. And I think many other reporters also weren't willing to go that far because they didn't feel like it met the criteria for that attempted or failed. Sometimes I've seen that used but my students in my class did not feel that that was a completely accurate term.

Nick Capodice:
I do want to add that it is not yet clear that the explicit intentions of the group as a whole on January 6th were to overthrow the U.S. government. And yes, some in the crowd called it a revolution, but we just don't have the information yet to know. So the next term Meredith defined was terrorism.

Meredith Baker:
We just used a standard dictionary definition of terrorism, and that would be the use of violence or the threat of violence, especially against civilians in the pursuit of political goals.

Nick Capodice:
In a recent report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, they found between 1994 and 2020, there have been 893 terrorist attacks and plots in the United States, right wing terrorists perpetrated 57 percent of all attacks and plots during this period, and left wing terrorists did 25 percent. We're going to put a link to the whole report on the website because it merits a thorough read.

Hannah McCarthy:
And finally, let's define sedition.

Meredith Baker:
Sedition is conduct or speech inciting people to rebel against the authority of a state. Interestingly enough, my students did not have a lot of disagreement over this one.

Nick Capodice:
There have been many incidents of sedition in U.S. history. The recent second impeachment of Donald Trump was on the charge of incitement of insurrection, which is by itself the definition of sedition.

Hannah McCarthy:
So how did it go from Meredith on that day with her class? Did her students come to a consensus on these terms?

Meredith Baker:
My students come from a range of opinions and backgrounds. They're very bright and they're also very respectful of each other. There definitely was some pushback. Some students took exception to the way that the insurrection was covered in the news. Some of them brought up issues of previous riots and protests. But we did have disagreement in the class, but it remained respectful.

Nick Capodice:
Well, those are some definitions today on Civics 101, a huge thank you to all of those teachers out there, not just for helping our youth navigate and understand the world, but for helping us do the same. If any of you out there are interested in how teachers are teaching civics in the past and present of America, you should view all the archives of those chats at sschat.org

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Transcript

[00:00:00] Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

[00:00:06] We were just told that there has been tear gas in the rotunda and we're being instructed to each of us get gas masks...

Nick Capodice: [00:00:18] All right, I don't usually come to Civics 101 episodes from a personal standpoint. We have a topic we want to explore. We call guests to explain it to us. We edit it together as a team, and we try to maintain a professional distance from the subject. But I frankly don't know any other way to start this episode. I'm just going to say I was sick and angry when I saw the attack on the Capitol on January 6th. And that night I thought, how on earth are we going to talk about this on the show? And thankfully, there was another group of people wrestling with the exact same question. There's this community of social studies and civics educators that we regularly interact with on the show. They're called #sschat. They hold weekly live discussions on Twitter where teachers all over the country share resources and lesson plans. They give advice to each other.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:14] They talk about what their kids are talking about, they air grievances. And they hosted an emergency chat session on the night of the sixth with one question. How are you going to talk about this with your students tomorrow?

Nick Capodice: [00:01:27] Meredith Baker, who teaches social studies in Virginia, said she would focus purely on definitions. So that's what we're going to do today.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:39] You're listening to Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:42] I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: [00:01:43] And today we're going to talk about some basic dictionary definitions with Meredith and hear how her students responded to the events on January 6th.

Meredith Baker: [00:01:51] I wanted to make sure that we did that in class because in my class, meaning matters. Context matters, language matters, accuracy matters. Truth matters. And so [00:02:00] I wanted to make sure we were all using the same terms in the same way.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:04] What terms did she define?

Nick Capodice: [00:02:05] Insurrection, protest, coup, terrorism and sedition.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:12] OK, so let's go through these one at a time. What is insurrection?

Meredith Baker: [00:02:17] So insurrection is defined as the act or instance of open revolt against civil authority or a constituted government.

Nick Capodice: [00:02:25] I asked Meredith, was the attack on the Capitol on the 6th an insurrection?

Meredith Baker: [00:02:29] Absolutely. I think that having looked at the headlines and reading the accounts of what happened, this was a revolt against a constituted government.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:41] Are there other instances of insurrections in U.S. history?

Nick Capodice: [00:02:44] Yeah, one of the most famous ones has come up a lot in our show, Shay's Rebellion. In 1786, Daniel Shays and his followers led an armed insurrection in Massachusetts to protest foreclosures of farms due to debt. And it was one of the events that showed the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation and ultimately led to the need for a new constitution.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:04] Let's move on to protest.

Meredith Baker: [00:03:06] A protest is participation in a public demonstration in opposition to something.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:11] I feel like these terms aren't mutually exclusive, right? Like a protest can also be an insurrection.

Meredith Baker: [00:03:17] Right. Or it can start as one thing and turn into another.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:20] This next term is one that I am most eager to define because it's been hinted at in media coverage and historians have debated its usage to describe the events of the 6th. What exactly is a coup?

Meredith Baker: [00:03:32] A coup is defined as the removal of an existing government from power, usually through violent means. And typically it's an illegal, unconstitutional seizure of power by a political faction in the military or a dictator.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:44] Has there ever been a coup in U.S. history?

Meredith Baker: [00:03:47] So in Wilmington in 1898, Wilmington, North Carolina, there was a fusionist government that was made up of African-Americans and and whites and that [00:04:00] was violently overthrown. And they were duly elected. They were removed from power forcibly. So, yes, that happened on a state level.

Nick Capodice: [00:04:08] An unknown number of Black Americans were murdered by white supremacists in Wilmington in November of 1898 with the express purpose of overthrowing its multiracial government. Isaac Stanley-Baker in The Washington Post referred to this as the only successful coup in American history.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:25] Where did Meredith and her students stand on the usage of that term for January 6th, 2021?

Meredith Baker: [00:04:31] I've seen this called a coup or an attempted coup, but when my class discussed this definition, we had the same reservations as many historians that I've read, and that is that this was not, to our knowledge, backed by a military power or a single government entity or something like that to give it that designation. So my students were hesitant to call it a coup. And I think many other reporters also weren't willing to go that far because they didn't feel like it met the criteria for that attempted or failed. Sometimes I've seen that used but my students in my class did not feel that that was a completely accurate term.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:19] I do want to add that it is not yet clear that the explicit intentions of the group as a whole on January 6th were to overthrow the U.S. government. And yes, some in the crowd called it a revolution, but we just don't have the information yet to know. So the next term Meredith defined was terrorism.

Meredith Baker: [00:05:36] We just used a standard dictionary definition of terrorism, and that would be the use of violence or the threat of violence, especially against civilians in the pursuit of political goals.

Nick Capodice: [00:05:46] In a recent report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, they found between 1994 and 2020, there have been 893 terrorist attacks and plots in the United States, right wing terrorists perpetrated 57 percent [00:06:00] of all attacks and plots during this period, and left wing terrorists did 25 percent. We're going to put a link to the whole report on the website because it merits a thorough read.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:09] And finally, let's define sedition.

Meredith Baker: [00:06:11] Sedition is conduct or speech inciting people to rebel against the authority of a state. Interestingly enough, my students did not have a lot of disagreement over this one.

Nick Capodice: [00:06:22] There have been many incidents of sedition in U.S. history. The recent second impeachment of Donald Trump was on the charge of incitement of insurrection, which is by itself the definition of sedition.

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:34] So how did it go from Meredith on that day with her class? Did her students come to a consensus on these terms?

Meredith Baker: [00:06:40] My students come from a range of opinions and backgrounds. They're very bright and they're also very respectful of each other. There definitely was some pushback. Some students took exception to the way that the insurrection was covered in the news. Some of them brought up issues of previous riots and protests. But we did have disagreement in the class, but it remained respectful.

Nick Capodice: [00:07:09] Well, those are some definitions today on Civics 101, a huge thank you to all of those teachers out there, not just for helping our youth navigate and understand the world, but for helping us do the same. If any of you out there are interested in how teachers are teaching civics in the past and present of America, you should view all the archives of those chats at sschat.org


 
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Ask Civics 101: Who Are the United States Capitol Police?

With the January 6th insurrection at the Capitol Building, the United States Capitol Police (USCP) were thrust into the spotlight. How is this agency different from the Secret Service? We explore the founding of the USCP and some of the challenges they have faced while protecting Congress and the Capitol grounds.


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CPB:
Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Jacqui Fulton:
With the January six insurrection at the Capitol Building, the United States Capitol Police have been thrust into the spotlight underprepared, overwhelmed, complicit in some of the ways of the Capitol.

News Archive:
Police have been described after a pro Trump mob stormed the Capitol Wednesday evening. One officer dead and another on leave after killing a protester.

This is Civics 101.I'm Jacqui Fulton. And today we're looking at the United States Capitol Police. Who are they and what is their charge?

News Archive:
Heavy cordons of police and soldiers had thrown about the capital and the president is here.

Jacqui Fulton:
The Capitol Police are a security force slash police department hybrid. They are part of the legislative branch. Their stated mission, protect Congress.

News Archive:
The Republican members of Congress were getting ready for a charity baseball game against the Democrats. When the piercing sound of gunfire shattered the peace of their morning practice in Alexandria, Virginia, the American people to know that, but for the fact that the Capitol Police who returned fire and protected us, there would have been a lot more people severely injured and they fought back even though they were wounded. That's correct.

Jacqui Fulton:
But they're more than bodyguards for the 535 members of Congress. It also protects staff, millions of visitors a year, and the family of Congress members, wherever they are in the United States.

News Archive:
The United States Capitol Police and hazardous materials outfits, and they put some sort of suspicious package, which is why this building has been evacuated.

Jacqui Fulton:
They enforced traffic regulations.

News Archive:
Washington, D.C. Capitol Hill was the scene of a car chase today that ended not far from the halls of Congress.

Jacqui Fulton:
They protect the buildings and grounds of the United States Capitol complex, which is big. The campus covers over two hundred and seventy four acres with monuments, House and Senate offices to lobby Congress, Supreme Court and more.

Jacqui Fulton:
When the Capitol building first opened in 1900, a lone watchman was hired to protect it.John Golding but the job was too big for John Allen. Security incidents kept happening. A tipping point was the assault of President John Quincy Adams son under the Capitol Rotunda. His nose was pulled and he was slapped an invitation to door. In response, his father founded the United States Capitol Police in 1828 for a Capitol watchman were given full law enforcement authority.

Jacqui Fulton:
The force has grown to more than 2300 officers and employees, their yearly budget is nearly half a billion dollars considering their small jurisdiction there.

Jacqui Fulton:
One of the most well-funded police departments in America, they even have their own intelligence unit. But that hasn't been enough to prevent all security incidents. There have been assaults, bombings, shootings on the Capitol ground. Six officers have died in the line of duty, two in an attack by gunmen in 1998. They were given the rare honor of lying in state under the Capitol Rotunda this evening once they lowered the flag.

News Archive:
They immediately raised it again halfway and left it there. A sign of mourning for the men who died under the dome.

Jacqui Fulton:
After security incidents happen, investigations are done to determine what went wrong.

CSPAN:
Yesterday, the House administration committee looked at security issues at the U.S. Capitol. Since September 11, members heard from the architect..

Jacqui Fulton:
Normally more money is allocated to beef up the force. The incident on January six will be dissected, and it's likely the Capitol Police will again have to adapt new security measures.

Jacqui Fulton:
That does it for what are the United States Capitol Police on Civics 101 you can listen to all of our episodes at Civics101podcast.org or wherever you get your podcasts.

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Ask Civics 101: Inauguration Day

The Constitution makes it clear that the four-year presidential term begins and ends at noon on January 20th. The time, date, and the words of the presidential oath are committed to ink in the law of the land, but the rest of it- the pomp and circumstance, the parade, the balls, and crowds? Yeah, we invented the rest of it.

Journalist and media consultant Brenna Williams takes us through the day that the incumbent or the President-elect becomes the leader of the free world.

 

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Ask Civics 101: What Is Moving Day Like at the White House?

When a new first family sets foot inside of the White House on Inauguration Day they are walking into their new home for the next, usually, four to eight years. Their furniture is in the living room, their pictures are on the wall, and their clothes are in the closets. The only hitch is that the outgoing first family doesn’t move out until inauguration day. It takes approximately six hours to totally transform a 132-room mansion.

The Washington Post’s Bonnie Berkowitz investigated this process a few years ago and she shares what she uncovered.

 

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Adia Samba-Quee:
Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Hannah McCarthy:
Hannah here from Civics 101, the following is an episode about how things usually go during the presidential transfer of families, and it's a pretty lighthearted one, but we are also releasing it days before a presidential family transfer that will occur amidst a health crisis and political strife here in the country. So listen on if you'd like a little lift or save this one for sunnier days. Thanks for being here.

We made a whole episode about this long doldrums period between Election Day and Inauguration Day. We vote for a presidential candidate and the winner does not actually get the presidency for two and a half months, however, there is one element to all of this that is so vast, it is hard to believe the civics one one. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick Capodice.

And today we're tackling the enormous behind the scenes magic trick that is the White House family transfer, otherwise known as moving day.

Bonnie Berkowitz:
This huge, chaotic, six hours, organized, chaotic, six hours, I guess I should say, on Inauguration Day.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Bonnie Berkowitz.

Bonnie Berkowitz:
And I'm a graphics reporter at The Washington Post. That means I write stories that tend to have a lot of visuals with them.

Hannah McCarthy:
One such story being that of how you get one first family out of the White House and another first family in.

Nick Capodice:
And did she say this happens in six hours?

Hannah McCarthy:
Well, there's a good deal of prep that can happen as soon as the election is over. Bonnie says the extent of that might depend on how the outgoing president feels about the transition.

Like if the incumbent lost the election or is simply at the end of a presidential term.

Bonnie Berkowitz:
They start compiling a big binder for all of the planning and just various things. And then as soon as the election happens, that's when it really rolls into gear. They start talking to the incoming family. The first lady's very, very involved. They send a detailed personal questionnaire. About just anything you can think of, what kind of shampoo you like, what kind of dental floss, what's your shoe size, because the White House has a bowling alley, so you need bowling shoes. What kind of movies do you like? Do you have midnight snacks? What do you like to snack on? What are you allergic to? What are your family's newspaper preferences? What kind of movies should we put in the theater? The linens. You would like the temperature in the White House. Do you like it warm? Do you like it cool. All of these things that they will eventually use to make the White House home for the new family for four or eight years.

Hannah McCarthy:
The first family, usually the first lady, also gets to select whatever furniture and art they want from a top secret White House warehouse in Maryland that has every piece of furniture ever used in the White House that wasn't a personal belongings of the first family.

Nick Capodice:
That's fascinating. OK, so how on earth does this all get loaded in in the space of six hours?

Bonnie Berkowitz:
Around 4:00 a.m., the staff shows up.

They may start packing. Everything they're going to be doing, though, until the outgoing family leaves is going to be very much behind the scenes because they don't want the family brushing their teeth and seeing somebody packing the shower caddy or something like that.

Nick Capodice:
So it's just White House staff doing this. No outside moving companies or anything?

Hannah McCarthy:
Right. For security reasons, the whole thing is run by the White House chief usher, six or so ushers who work for the chief and the 90 to 100 permanent White House residence staff.

Hannah McCarthy:
A lot of these people have worked there for decades. Anyway, it's about four and a half hours of behind the scenes work and then around 8:30...

Bonnie Berkowitz:
The outgoing family has a good bye with the White House staff, the whole staff gathers and this is apparently very moving because these are the people who have worked with them every day for four years or for eight years, and they just grow so close to them. And it's apparently I mean, people cry. It's very, very sad because think if you've been with somebody for four or eight years and suddenly you're leaving and you're probably not going to interact with them very much anymore, ever, that's about half an hour of tearful goodbyes. And then the first family gets dressed for the inauguration, assuming they're attending, the new president and his family come in for a coffee, a traditional coffee at the White House. There's usually a few people with them, a congressional delegation and around 10:30, they usually leave together for the Capitol for the inauguration.

Hannah McCarthy:
10:30 hits.

And then it happens.

Bonnie Berkowitz:
And literally the second that car pulls away, like the staff waves goodbye and then all heck breaks loose in the White House. The moving trucks come in, everyone splits up into their duties, which they have been prepared. Exactly what they're going to do every five minutes. They have got from 10:30-ish to somewhere between three and five. When the president and first lady come back after the parade, the house has to be done.

Hannah McCarthy:
Staff picks up whatever's left and the outgoing first family's boxes and furniture are loaded into one moving truck. The incoming first family stuff is loaded out of another moving truck and a third moving truck shows up with a treasure trove from the secret warehouse.

Bonnie Berkowitz:
The president is supposed to take office on day one and be hit the ground running so he doesn't have time to organize his sock drawer. So people do that for them. And it's astonishing the things that they do. The Obamas had to have wifi installed during that six hours. They change out light fixtures, all kinds of things. They may have to make repairs. They may have to repaint, touch up a little bit. They can't repaint a whole room that they might have to. They might do some touch up. They might fix some wallpaper, hang clothes in closets, cut out all trash flowers, fresh flowers after flowers everywhere, all kinds of things like that, and the Oval Office, of course, gets a major overhaul.

Nick Capodice:
But what if because, come on, it's only six hours, what if it's not done in time?

Bonnie Berkowitz:
Oh, no, it's ready. And I even asked, what if they run out of toilet paper, and it was as if I asked, how often do you let raccoons run through the wall or something?

I mean, it was as if they could not conceive of the question I was asking.

Nick Capodice:
Ok, so that is the residence and that is truly hard to believe. But what about the whole West Wing?

Bonnie Berkowitz:
Yeah, and that's interesting.

The East and West Wings, the offices are the General Services Administration, and they do a lot, a lot of mostly cleaning, getting rid of papers, any leftover junk.

Nick Capodice:
Now, I have to know if the rumors are true about pranks from outgoing staffers. I heard once that the Clinton administration removed all the WS off of the keyboards before George W. Bush went in office. Do they joke around like this? Are there pranks pulled like this one?

Bonnie Berkowitz:
Apparently somebody left, you know, those drop ceilings.

Somebody put a tuna fish sandwich up in one and left it there. So there was a big mystery trying to figure out where the smell was coming from.

Nick Capodice:
It is nice to know that even in today's world, there's still someone leaving a fish sandwich in the ceiling as a Partheon shot.

Hannah McCarthy:
That's the traditional transfer in a nutshell. I should add, it turns out that in the middle of a pandemic, the government also plans a half million deep clean before the new first family arrives. We've got plenty more on the strangeness of American politics and government. You can check it out at our website, civics101podcast.org.

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Ask Civics 101: What Are Democratic Norms?

Not every guiding principle in the United States is a law. Many are traditions, customs and best practices that someone came up with at one point and stuck. Democratic norms help facilitate a peaceful, respectful, and smoothly-run government. So what happens when norms like respectful deference on the Senate floor or accepting election results are broken?

Susan Stokes, professor of political science at the University of Chicago and Director of the Chicago Center on Democracy, gives us the story.

 

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Adia Samba-Quee:
Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Hannah McCarthy:
You're listening to Civics 101, I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
This show is often about understanding a law or a political event or process something written down and codified.

But the truth is, a lot of the time in the US we do things because that's just the way we do them. That's the norm.

Nick Capodice:
So these are things that aren't formal laws, but we still expect people to abide by. Like there's no law that says you must not cut in line at the grocery store, but you just don't do it.

Hannah McCarthy:
Exactly, because if you did, you'd be a jerk. You'd also be setting a bad precedent. You'd be teaching people the wrong lesson, the way I think of it, as if everybody started cutting in line at the grocery store, the simple act of paying for your food would dissolve into chaos. And the same goes for democratic norms.

Susan Stokes:
It's not written down rule that is usually often kind of taken for granted and not even noticed as a rule, until it's violated.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Susan Stokes. She's a professor of politics at the University of Chicago and director of the Chicago Center on Democracy.

Susan Stokes:
So, you know, to give an example, it sort of goes without saying in general that the that the outgoing president will attend the inauguration of the incoming president. And I'm not sure we would have even thought of that as a norm. We wouldn't have thought hard about why that is helpful or why it is anything more than just like showing up at an event until it now is about to be to be violated or not to be followed.

Nick Capodice:
So these aren't written, but they're customs and traditions like it is customary to address other members of Congress with ridiculously flowery language to not insult a U.S. ally. It's customary for a president to release their tax returns and it's customary for elected officials to eventually accept the results of an election.

Susan Stokes:
What does that do for us? Well, it's part of a kind of peaceful transition of power that is part of the very definition of democracy.

It turns out to be incredibly important.

Hannah McCarthy:
Norms like fancy congressional language during debate that keeps people polite and respectful and let's procedure flow.

Nancy Pelosi:
Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I thank the gentle lady for yielding and congratulate her on her extraordinary leadership.

Hannah McCarthy:
It's basically a step above common courtesy and not punching below the belt. But not all democratic norms are like that.

Susan Stokes:
A lot of these norms actually do help keep our system going. They do help us have a system in which you kind of channel what might be a violent confrontation, conflict into peaceable You mechanisms for adjudicating differences. So, you know, democracy is not about everybody agreeing. It's about shifting from a potentially violent arena to a peaceable arena.

Nick Capodice:
So democratic norms help us maintain courtesy, keep things on schedule and keep the peace. Basically, these are all the little traditions that stitch a functioning democracy together. But I do see a glaring problem here, Hanna. We rely on a lot of these norms, but they aren't laws. It is perfectly legal to ignore them.

Susan Stokes:
You know, to put proper names on it is bad for Democrats and it's bad for Republicans. It's bad for anyone who is invested in a kind of ongoing system in which they can compete for power without risking violence and achieve power. If they have, you know, if they have good ideas and are able to get people to vote for them. So I do think that there should be a very strong bipartisan support for for strengthening these norms.

Nick Capodice:
Are democratic norms ever made into law?

Susan Stokes:
Well, I think we're learning we're learning getting a kind of crash course right now in the 14th Amendment and post civil war rules that were written into the Constitution that were sort of meant to deal with the aftermath and create incentives for it to avoid another sort of violent breaking apart of country and a leaders acting in a kind of treasonous manner.

Hannah McCarthy:
In other words, what might have been considered a democratic norm before the civil war. In this case, office holders engaging in sedition or rebellion became a constitutional law.

After that, norm was violated, which could potentially happen again, if not through a constitutional amendment, then maybe in U.S. code, especially if norms are violated in frightening ways. Like a rebellion. Yeah, like that. In the meantime, these democratic norms that stitch the fabric of our government and politics together should probably still be followed. There's nothing else keeping them alive.

Susan Stokes:
What you don't want is a period of our history in which norms are challenged and shattered. And you have a whole generation of young people thinking, well, those really aren't norms. And therefore, if some leaders don't follow and they. Can't be very important, they can't be we should cast them aside, you know, it's naive to think that those norms are anything real.

Hannah McCarthy:
That does it for democratic norms on Civics 101, you can listen to all of our episodes at Civics101podcast.org or wherever you get your podcasts.

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Ask Civics 101: Has the U.S. Capitol Been Ambushed Before?

The U.S. has a long history of politically motivated violence. The U.S. Capitol building, a symbol of the nation, a very public building, and a working office for thousands of people, can also be a target, as we saw in the unprecedented insurrection on January 6th.


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CPB:
Civics 101 is supported in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Tour:
When you visit the Capitol, you enter through the Capitol Visitor Center, since eighteen hundred, Congress has met here in Washington, D.C. to represent the people and make laws.

Jacqui Fulton:
It's been said that government was invented to prevent violence, but governments can also perpetrate violence.

Tour:
This room was named Emancipation Hall to honor the enslaved people who worked to build the Capitol and become the target of violence.

NPR:
Today, the departing president incited a group of supporters outside the White House. He repeated the lie that he had won the election.

Trump:
We're going to walk down and I'll be there with you. We're going to walk down to the Capitol.

Jacqui Fulton:
The United States Capitol Building, the very symbol of Western democracy, has the scars to prove it.

Newsreel:
In Washington, D.C., ruthless fanatic violence erupted in the halls of Congress. Three men and a woman believed to be members of the Puerto Rican nationalist gang opened fire from the visitors gallery of the House of Representatives.Five congressmen were hit.

Jacqui Fulton:
And I'm Jacqui Fulton. This is Civics 101. Today, we're talking about the history of politically motivated violence at the Capitol Building, the Capitol is one of the nation's most heavily guarded buildings with its own dedicated police force, the United States Capitol Police. But it's also a very public building, a monument opened to citizens and a working office building for thousands of people. The first breach of the capital occurred during the War of 1812, a war between the Americans and the British over territory and trade.

CBS:
4000 British soldiers lay siege to Washington, D.C. and set fire to the U.S. Capitol and the White House. Heat was intense. The glass in the skylights melted, became molten and fell down or chunks.

Jacqui Fulton:
One of the most notable incidents of violence occurred in 1856, the savage beating of Senator Charles Sumner for his abolitionist views by a House member.

Historian:
Preston Brooks walked up to Charles Sumner with raised his cane, made a couple of unfriendly remarks and brought that gold handled, came down on the top of Charles Sumners head.

Jacqui Fulton:
Sumner barely survived his injuries, his blood-stained the Senate floor. President Andrew Jackson narrowly avoided an assassination attempt while attending a funeral at the Capitol in 1835.

Historian:
As the president exited the funeral once drew a pistol from his pocket and fired. But only the cap fired, even though he was 67 and in poor health. The president charged warrants with a cane.

Jacqui Fulton:
The building has been bombed three separate times.

Newsreel:
The single bomb set off by a timing device left the in room, a shambles, demolished, ripping plaster ripped from walls.

Jacqui Fulton:
In 1971 an extremist group, the Weather Underground, a group that used violence to force political and social change, set off a bomb in the men's room right away.

Newsreel:
There was alarm for a time that other bombs might still be hidden inside the Capitol. Police Dogs...

Jacqui Fulton:
Fortunately, no people were injured in any of the bombings. The same cannot be said of shootings in 1998, two police officers died in the line of duty.

Newsreel:
Apparently, the gunman mingled with tourists and approached the Capitol from the east side. He entered by what is called the document door, an entrance that members of Congress share with members of the public. He exchanged gunfire with security officers.

Jacqui Fulton:
While violence in the Capitol isn't unheard of. The insurrection on January 6th is unlike anything that's ever happened before. But eventually, the building was secured and Congress went back to the floor of the Senate and finished the work that had been interrupted.

Pence:
The violence was quelled. The capital is secured and the people's work continues.

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Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.